Convicting 'gun moll' Barbara Graham was a famous win for L.A. prosecutors. Did they cheat?
Leavy won many high-profile cases during his storied career at the Los Angeles County district attorney's office, but few drew more attention than the case against the woman nicknamed 'Bloody Babs.'
She was streetwise and brassy and physically striking, a small-time hustler and 'dice girl' who lingered in casinos to induce men to drink and gamble. She had a heroin habit and a baby to feed. In March 1953, in the company of four men, she participated in the home-invasion robbery of a disabled Burbank widow who was found bludgeoned and strangled.
Relentless and skilled, with a flair for theater, Leavy told jurors that Graham had not just participated in the robbery but was central to the violence. 'Barbara Graham tied Mabel Monahan's hands behind her back, pistol whipped her and left her to die,' Leavy, then 85, told a Times columnist in 1990. 'Sending her to the gas chamber didn't bother me at all.'
"For the People," an authorized history of the district attorney's office, burnishes Leavy's legend and repeats the claim that Graham pistol-whipped the victim. For generations of prosecutors, Leavy loomed so large that when they lost a case, they'd quip, 'Leavy could have won it.'
Marcia Clark, who would become one of the best-known prosecutors of her generation during the ill-fated O.J. Simpson case in the mid-1990s, heard all the stories about Leavy during her 14 years at the D.A.'s office. She began researching the Graham case for her book "Trial By Ambush," which published in November. She went into the project with admiration for Leavy — and emerged with the certainty that he had cheated.
He hid a key witness, she concluded. He constructed the prosecution narrative based on the word of a co-defendant who had good reason to lie. He did things that would be illegal today, Clark said, like planting the jailhouse informant who won Graham's love and helped doom her.
'He was a very good lawyer, don't get me wrong,' Clark told The Times in a recent interview. 'But what I didn't expect to see was that he was a sleazy player.'
From her arrest to her execution, something about Barbara Graham inspired frenzied verbiage from the journalists of the era. Newspapers portrayed her as a chilly, oversexed murderess from the pages of pulp fiction. Sometimes she was 'the redhead,' sometimes 'the icy blond.' She was 'the gun moll.' She was 'sultry.' She was "shapely Barbara Graham, the blond iceberg."
In the Los Angeles Daily Mirror, she was "that monster disguised as a woman.' In the Herald-Express, she was "the most beautiful victim that the gas chamber will ever have claimed."
Abandoned by her mother, she was sent, in her teens, to the Ventura School for Girls, a brutal reform school from which she emerged with an education in crime. She never made it to high school. She hustled for a living. She wrote bad checks. She shoplifted. She was busted for drug possession, prostitution and perjury. She married four times. She had three kids. She loved jazz.
She was broke, and trying to raise a baby, while working as a shill at a dice-and-poker house in El Monte. A rough-looking outlaw named Jack Santo showed up. He was a criminal confederate of the man who ran the gambling house, Emmett Perkins. They had heard that a retired vaudeville performer, Mabel Monahan, stashed money in her home safe.
'These guys were very bad news,' Clark said. 'I think much more bad news than Barbara knew.'
The safety-conscious Monahan would not open her door to just anybody, especially not to hard-looking thugs. But the petite, pretty Graham might get them inside. And so, on March 9, 1953, Graham appeared at Monahan's door with the story that her car had broken down.
Monahan let Graham in, and the hooligans followed. In came Santo, Perkins, safecracker Baxter Shorter and John True, whose self-serving account of what happened would be adopted as fact by the authorities. The robbers sacked the house, found no safe and left Monahan bludgeoned with a pillowcase over her head. 'Wealthy widow beaten to death in California,' read one headline.
Detectives caught up to Shorter within weeks, and his account led them to the others. As Clark documents in her book, he described Perkins "slugging [Monahan] in the temple" with a gun.
Shorter might have been the state's star witness had he not vanished soon after. (He was kidnapped by Perkins at gunpoint, according to a witness, and presumed dead.) Jurors would not get his version of the murder.
That left True as the prosecution's key witness. He was granted immunity for his testimony, minimized his own culpability — he had actually tried to save Monahan, he said — and pointed a finger at Graham. He said she held the victim by the neck with one hand and pistol whipped her with the other.
Hoping to clinch Graham's conviction, authorities planted an informant beside her at the L.A. County jail. The plant was Donna Prow, who was in her early 20s and serving time for manslaughter. She approached Graham. She poured on the charm. She brought her candy. Jail was lonely, and Graham fell for her.
'Hi Baby,' Graham wrote to her in one of many letters police obtained. 'Your note was so sweet, honey, but I want you to be sure of your feelings, or I wouldn't want to start something we couldn't finish. You are a very lovely and desirable woman, honey, and I want you very much."
As Graham's trial approached, she had a desperate problem — no alibi — but Prow offered a solution. She arranged for Graham to meet a man who would lie for her. He'd claim to have been with her miles away at an Encino hotel during the killing.
All of it was a police set-up. Prow's "friend" was an undercover police officer named Sam Sirianni, and when Leavy introduced secret recordings of Graham cobbling together the fake alibi — and admitting she'd been with her co-defendants on the fatal night — her credibility was destroyed.
But Graham's defense attorney never got a chance to cross-examine Prow. The D.A.'s office had arranged for her to be released from jail, and to leave California — safely beyond the reach of the defense.
'No one could find her, and the prosecution made sure of it, and that was illegal. They hid a key witness,' Clark told The Times. 'They would have pried out of her how much effort she went to get Barbara to go along with the false alibi scheme. And that would have made, I think, things look a lot different to the jury.'
The prosecutor dwelled at excruciating length on Graham's love letters to Prow.
'And it was very clear why he did it,' Clark said. 'He's tarnishing her character in front of the jury. Back then, there was not much grace given to homosexual relationships of any kind.'
In his closing argument, Leavy told jurors that Graham had testified with the aim of seducing the male jurors, deterring them from their duty to convict her with the hope that she could 'just get up there and look pretty.' It was a tactic Clark finds 'morally repugnant.'
'The law was different back then, and [they did] a lot of things that would be absolutely grounds for disbarment today,' she said.
Susan Hayward won an Oscar for her sympathetic but campy portrayal of Graham in the 1958 film 'I Want to Live!' In it, Graham is punished for defying the conventions of the time. She is sexually adventurous. She smokes cigarettes with men in darkened rooms. She sneers clever quips at the tormenting cops. She is a wildcat with a tender heart.
"She was the wildest of the jazzed-up generation,' proclaimed the ad copy. 'She had lots of friends, most of them bad. She was driven by a thousand desires, a few of them decent. She sinned. She stole. But she swore she never murdered."
Though Graham denied she was at the victim's house, Clark believes she was there — but as a decoy. It struck her as unlikely that the 5-foot-3 Graham, in the company of four stronger male accomplices, some with records of violence, had been the bludgeoner.
Under the felony murder rule, Graham would have been guilty for any participation in the crime, but in a differently handled case, she might have avoided a death sentence.
Jurors convicted Graham, Santo and Perkins of murder, and a judge sentenced them all to death. At San Quentin, one of Graham's last requests was to wear a mask as she went to the gas chamber. "I don't want to see the people," she said.
Leavy was one of the witnesses to her execution, his legend about to acquire another notch.
Also present was journalist Al Martinez, who would become a Times columnist and, decades later, write about being haunted by what he saw as the cyanide pellets dropped and the gas rose.
The cop next to him said, "Mabel Monahan died hard too."
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Miami Herald
15 hours ago
- Miami Herald
‘Psychological warfare': Internal data shows true nature of Alligator Alcatraz
A month into his detention at Alligator Alcatraz, Daniel Ortiz Piñeda faced a stark choice: continue his legal fight for asylum or give it up to hopefully put an end to his extended stay at the makeshift immigration detention camp in the Everglades. The Colombian national, with no criminal record, had the right to remain in the country while appealing the 2023 denial of his asylum request. But last week, the 33-year-old asked his attorney to drop his appeal, preferring repatriation to the possibility of indefinite detention. 'He feels like there's nothing here for him now,' Piñeda's mother said in an interview. Stories like Piñeda's have played out repeatedly at the Everglades detention camp. While it was promoted as a place where migrants with heinous criminal histories would be detained and quickly deported, records exclusively obtained by the Miami Herald and Tampa Bay Times show it was largely used during its first month in operation as a holding pen and transfer hub for immigrants who were still fighting their cases in immigration courts. Hundreds, the records note, did not have criminal convictions or pending charges. At the end of July, when the number of detainees at the site was around its peak, only one in five of the roughly 1,400 detainees at the site had been ordered removed from the country by a judge, a Herald/Times review of the records found. That means hundreds of men were being detained there without final adjudication orders, despite Gov. Ron DeSantis' claims to the contrary. The records also show that nearly two out of every five immigrants listed in early July as being detained at the South Florida facility or headed there were still recorded as detainees at the facility at the end of the month. During that stretch, immigration attorneys claimed their clients had little to no access to the courts and were largely forced to communicate about cases over recorded lines. Lawyers also alleged their clients were pressured to abandon their immigration cases — without legal consultation — and agree to be deported. It wasn't until Saturday that lawyers for the federal government said a Miami immigration court had been designated as the responsible venue for handling Alligator Alcatraz cases. The number of people at Alligator Alcatraz fluctuates daily and has dropped drastically since the beginning of the month, as a federal judge weighs whether to shut down the site. But for detainees held throughout July in chain-link cages and tents the uncertainty created mental pressure that their attorneys and families say was worse than the prospect of being deported, even to a country where they fear persecution. 'Putting people in tents in the middle of the Everglades is a great tool to make them give up their cases,' said Mark Prada, an immigration attorney. The Department of Homeland Security, which is in charge of immigrant detainees, and the Florida Division of Emergency Management, which oversees Alligator Alcatraz operations, did not respond to requests for comment. When the state seized an airstrip in the Big Cypress National Preserve and began constructing a camp to hold thousands of migrants, DeSantis said the site would serve as a 'one-stop' shop for the Trump administration's needs for detention and deportation. Detainees with final orders of removal would be held in tents and quickly deported from an on-site runway, he said. To expedite deportations, DeSantis said qualified National Guard members would work as immigration judges on the site — an idea that President Donald Trump gave a thumbs up to during a July 1 visit. But the plans have yet to be implemented and immigration attorneys have complained for weeks that their Alligator Alcatraz clients have had hearings for their cases routinely canceled in federal Florida immigration courts by judges who said they did not have jurisdiction over the detainees in the Everglades. For hundreds of detainees, that meant weeks of uncertainty living inside tents, where the lights were turned on throughout the day and the only connection to the outside world was often a recorded landline. Attorneys have complained about staff at the facility pressuring their clients to sign voluntary removal orders without consulting an attorney and, in one case, deceiving a detainee with an intellectual disability by telling him he would need to 'sign some paper in exchange for a blanket' — and then deporting him after he had signed it, court filings show. Mark Hamburger, an attorney who has had several clients at the detention camp, said the conditions created a kind of 'psychological warfare' for detainees. 'They're being put to the test,' he said. 'How long can you stand this? A lot of people are folding.' That group of original detainees included Piñeda, who was taken into custody after showing up for a scheduled immigration meeting in Miami Lakes on July 7, according to his family members. 'To have somebody detained like this, pending an appeal, when they have not committed any crimes is unheard of,' said his attorney, Osley Sallent. Piñeda told his family members that when he entered Alligator Alcatraz, the guards told him and other new arrivals, 'As soon as you come in here, you don't have any rights.' It would be days before he could shower, and he said that he hadn't received adequate medical care for an ongoing ear infection and stomach ailment. He was moved to the Glades County Detention Center west of Lake Okeechobee in early August shortly after dropping his asylum appeal. Like Piñeda, the vast majority of detainees in the facility at the end of July had no final order of removal from a judge, according to the new data. That means that the immigration cases for most men at the facility were still ongoing. While the data shows that more than 100 of those detainees had been issued expedited orders of removal – which allows the government to deport them without going through the immigration courts – immigration lawyers said that these can still be appealed in some circumstances, such as when an immigrant is seeking asylum. 'Finality is a big deal,' Prada said. 'If it is not final, there is still a process to be done.' The Herald compared the two datasets, one of roughly 750 detainees from early July and the other of roughly 1,400 people from the end of the month. Reporters also searched for all of the detainees in the first list on ICE's detainee locator system. More than 40% of the 750 detainees in the initial list were sent not out of the country but to other ICE facilities, the Herald found. Another 40% were still at the detention center. Alligator Alcatraz detainees often did not appear in ICE's locator system, the Herald found and the fate of the rest — around 150 detainees — is unclear. Some of them were likely still at Alligator Alcatraz but others may have been deported. The numbers in both data sets are snapshots in time, and fluctuate as detainees enter and leave the facility. On Tuesday, there were just shy of 400 detainees at the Everglades detention camp — far below the roughly 1,500 people the makeshift camp is able to hold. In late July, DeSantis said the federal government had deported about 100 people who were held at the detention camp and that 'hundreds' of others had been transferred to deportation hubs in other parts of the country. The state and federal governments have yet to say if any deportation flights have taken off directly from the site and to foreign soil. Attorneys have welcomed the transfers – which make it easier for them to access their clients and advocate on their behalf. At least two detainees were released on bond last week after they were moved elsewhere, according to their attorneys. One detainee trying to leave the country voluntarily had to be transferred to another facility to be deported. Fernando Eduardo Artese, 63, was one of the first detainees to arrive at Alligator Alcatraz. From the start, he wanted to leave the United States voluntarily, but the process to self-deport was not easy in the weeks he spent at the state-run site, his family said .It was only after he was transferred to the federal Krome immigration detention center in Miami that he was able to begin the process of voluntarily leaving the country. Once at Krome, Artese was deported in less than a week, his daughter, Carla Artese, told the Herald/Times. The Argentinian-Italian was sent to Italy. It's not clear whether the difference between Alligator Alcatraz's promoted and practical uses was intentional or accidental. The facility was built with near biblical speed, completed in only eight days, and from its earliest days, detainees complained of toilets that don't flush, bugs and leaky tents. Attorneys quickly flagged that they had no way to speak confidentially with their clients. A federal judge questioned the facility's operation at a hearing in July for a lawsuit related to detainees' legal access. 'A lot of it looked to me like … a new facility not having their act together or getting up and running in the right way,' U.S. District Judge Rodolfo A. Ruiz II said last month in a court hearing. But critics of the facility say that the harsh conditions endured by detainees — and the rhetoric politicians have used to describe the site — are not by accident. DeSantis says reporting about terrible conditions has been inaccurate, but he's in no rush to dispel the narrative. 'Maybe it will have the intent or the effect of deterring people from going there,' the governor said. John Sandweg, the former acting director of ICE during the Obama administration, said the construction and location of the facility makes little sense. It's not near an immigration court or ICE's existing transportation infrastructure. But with backlogs in immigration courts presenting major roadblocks to the Trump administration's stated goal of deporting one million immigrants per year, Sandweg said he believes the purpose of the facility is to encourage undocumented immigrants – whether in custody or not – to bypass the immigration courts and voluntarily leave the country to avoid the possibility of being sent there. 'I think that the real goal of Alligator Alcatraz is to instill fear,' he said. Miami Herald reporter Siena Duncan contributed reporting.


Los Angeles Times
a day ago
- Los Angeles Times
Trump's anti-immigrant policies are even driving U.S. citizens away
As the Trump administration continues to target the undocumented community and urge them to self-deport, some U.S. citizens have considered leaving the country themselves. Earlier this summer, Julie Ear dropped off her mother at the Tijuana airport to self-deport. She documented the tearful departure in a TikTok video, which has since reached over 9.3 million views and garnered thousands of sympathetic comments. 'With my mom's complicated legal status, she decided to [self-deport] on her own terms,' Ear says in the clip. At the time of the video's publication, ICE raids were spreading across Southern California, her mother's home for the past 36 years. In March, the Trump administration rolled out its multimillion-dollar ad campaign warning undocumented individuals to self-deport or face the consequences of deportation. This strategy is part of Trump's pledge to deport 1 million unauthorized immigrants per year, which has also offered individuals $1,000 and a free flight to self-deport. While much of Trump's campaign was focused on undocumented immigrants who had committed violent crimes, it has now shifted its focus to anyone residing in the U.S. without legal authorization (which is still considered a civil violation). In some cases, the Trump administration has also targeted those with DACA protection, whom they have urged to self-deport as well. 'She has no criminal record, she's a hard-working taxpayer who has been working 12 hour shifts since she was 15, six days out of the week,' says Ear of her mother in the video. 'She never asked for a handout, she didn't get food stamps, she didn't get welfare.' This campaign has triggered many in the immigrant community to leave their families and homes in the U.S. and return to their countries of origin. But it also strikes fear in those born to immigrants in the U.S., especially as the future of birthright citizenship remains in limbo. 'Are we even safe as American citizens?' asks Ear in an interview with The Times — citing instances in which U.S. citizens have been taken into ICE custody. ' Even though we were born here, we don't know if we're gonna be safe long term.' Ear says many of her friends, concerned for their quality of life in the U.S., are now looking to obtain dual citizenship and buy property abroad, especially as the average home price in Southern California has climbed to $875,128 — while the hourly minimum wage in Los Angeles remains at $17.28. 'My friends are having meetings with council members, the mayor, talking about what laws we can pass to protect the Latino community in L.A.,' said Ear. 'Then I also have those friends that are thinking of buying land and houses out there [in Mexico], and getting their dual citizenship.' Nicole Macias, a longtime Angeleno whose family owns a legacy business on the Olvera Street strip, applied for dual Mexican citizenship last year through Doble Nacionalidad Express, a law firm specializing in helping individuals obtain dual citizenship. Macias has since turned to social media to educate others about the dual citizenship process. 'The political climate right now in Los Angeles is really crazy. A lot of people just feel unsafe,' Macias told The Times. 'A lot of people are turning back to this idea of being able to go back to Mexico and have an easier lifestyle.' But it isn't just U.S.-born Latinos who are seeking refuge in other countries. A record number of 1,931 Americans applied for British citizenship between January and March, according to stats by the U.K. government — a 12% jump from the previous 2024 quarter. Some Canadian lawyers also noticed an uptick in Americans seeking Canadian citizenship in recent months, with many stating that they are fearful of the political uncertainty in the U.S. A survey conducted by Expatsi, a travel company for expats, found that of the 116,000 Americans surveyed, more than half were motivated by political divisions in the country. ' I think a lot of people are turning [to] dual citizenship and leaving the States because it's probably a safer option,' says Macias. 'This [is] people's plan B for their future and for their safety and the safety of their families.'


Los Angeles Times
3 days ago
- Los Angeles Times
How an LAPD internal affairs detective became known as ‘The Grim Reaper'
In a police department with a long tradition of colorful nicknames — from 'Jigsaw John' to 'Captain Hollywood' — LAPD Sgt. Joseph Lloyd stands out. 'The Grim Reaper.' At least that's what some on the force have taken to calling the veteran Internal Affairs detective, usually out of earshot. According to officers who have found themselves under investigation by Lloyd, he seems to relish the moniker and takes pleasure in ending careers, even if it means twisting facts and ignoring evidence. But Lloyd's backers maintain his dogged pursuit of the truth is why he has been entrusted with some of the department's most politically sensitive and potentially embarrassing cases. Lloyd, 52, declined to comment. But The Times spoke to more than half a dozen current or former police officials who either worked alongside him or fell under his scrutiny. During the near decade that he's been in Internal Affairs, Lloyd has investigated cops of all ranks. When a since-retired LAPD officer was suspected of running guns across the Mexican border, the department turned to Lloyd to bust him. In 2020, when it came out that members of the elite Metropolitan Division were falsely labeling civilians as gang members in a police database, Lloyd was tapped to help unravel the mess. And when a San Fernando Valley anti-gang squad was accused in 2023 of covering up shakedowns of motorists, in swooped the Reaper again. Recently he was assigned to a department task force looking into allegations of excessive force by police against activists who oppose the government's immigration crackdown. At the LAPD, as in most big-city police departments across the country, Internal Affairs investigators tend to be viewed with suspicion and contempt by their colleagues. They usually try to operate in relative anonymity. Not Lloyd. The 24-year LAPD veteran has inadvertently become the face of a pitched debate over the LAPD's long-maligned disciplinary system. The union that represents most officers has long complained that well-connected senior leaders get favorable treatment. Others counter that rank-and-file cops who commit misconduct are routinely let off the hook. A recent study commissioned by Chief Jim McDonnell found that perceived unfairness in internal investigations is a 'serious point of contention' among officers that has contributed to low morale. McDonnell has said he wants to speed up investigations and better screen complaints, but efforts by past chiefs and the City Council to overhaul the system have repeatedly stalled. Sarah Dunster, 40, was a sergeant working in the LAPD's Hollywood division in 2021 when she learned she was under investigation for allegedly mishandling a complaint against one of her officers, who was accused of groping a woman he arrested. Dunster said she remembers being interviewed by Lloyd, whose questions seemed designed to trip her up and catch her in a lie, rather than aimed at hearing her account of what happened, she said. Some of her responses never made it into Lloyd's report, she said. 'He wanted to fire me,' she said. Dunster was terminated over the incident, but she appealed and last week a Los Angeles County Superior Court judge granted a reprieve that allows her to potentially get her job back. Others who have worked with Lloyd say he is regarded as a savvy investigator who is unfairly being vilified for discipline decisions that are ultimately made by the chief of police. A supervisor who oversaw Lloyd at Internal Affairs — and requested anonymity because they are not authorized to speak to the media — described him as smart, meticulous and 'a bulldog.' 'Joe just goes where the facts lead him and he doesn't have an issue asking the hard questions,' the supervisor said. On more than one occasion, the supervisor added, Internal Affairs received complaints from senior department officials who thought that Lloyd didn't show them enough deference during interrogations. Other supporters point to his willingness to take on controversial cases to hold officers accountable, even while facing character attacks from his colleagues, their attorneys and the powerful Los Angeles Police Protective League. Officers have sniped about his burly build, tendency to smile during interviews and other eccentricities. He wears two watches — one on each wrist, a habit he has been heard saying he picked up moonlighting as a high school lacrosse referee. But he has also been criticized as rigid and uncompromising, seeming to fixate only on details that point to an officer's guilt. People he has grilled say that when he doesn't get the answer he's looking for, he has a Columbo-esque tendency to ask the same question in different ways in an attempt to elicit something incriminating. And instead of asking officers to clarify any discrepancies in their statements, Lloyd automatically assumes they are lying, some critics said. Mario Munoz, a former LAPD Internal Affairs lieutenant who opened a boutique firm that assists officers fighting employment and disciplinary cases, recently released a scathing 60-page report questioning what he called a series of troubling lapses in the LAPD's 2023 investigation of the Mission gang unit. The report name-drops Lloyd several times. The department accused several Mission officers of stealing brass knuckles and other items from motorists in the San Fernando Valley, and attempting to hide their actions from their supervisors by switching off their body-worn cameras. Munoz said he received calls from officers who said Lloyd had violated their due process rights, which potentially opens the city up to liability. Several have since lodged complaints against Lloyd with the department. He alleged Lloyd ultimately singled out several 'scapegoats to shield higher-level leadership from scrutiny.' Until he retired from the LAPD in 2014, Munoz worked as both an investigator and an auditor who reviewed landmark internal investigations into the beating of Black motorist Rodney King and the Rampart gang scandal in which officers were accused of robbing people and planting evidence, among other crimes. Munoz now echoes a complaint from current officers that Internal Affairs in general, and Lloyd in particular, operate to protect the department's image at all costs. 'He's the guy that they choose because he doesn't question management,' Munoz said of Lloyd. In the Mission case, Munoz pointed to inconsistent outcomes for two captains who oversaw the police division accused of wrongdoing: One was transferred and later promoted, while another is fighting for his job amid accusations that he failed to rein in his officers. Two other supervisors — Lt. Mark Garza and Sgt. Jorge 'George' Gonzalez — were accused by the department of creating a 'working environment that resulted in the creation of a police gang,' according to an internal LAPD report. Both Garza and Gonzalez have sued the city, alleging that even though they reported the wrongdoing as soon as they became aware of it, they were instead punished by the LAPD after the scandal became public. According to Munoz's report and interviews with department sources, Lloyd was almost single-handedly responsible for breaking the Mission case open. It began with a complaint in late December 2022 made by a motorist who said he was pulled over and searched without reason in a neighboring patrol area. Lloyd learned that the officers involved had a pattern of not documenting traffic stops — exploiting loopholes in the department's auditing system for dashboard and body cameras. The more Lloyd dug, the more instances he uncovered of these so-called 'ghost stops.' A few months later, undercover Internal Affairs detectives began tailing the two involved officers — something that Garza and Gonzalez both claimed they were kept in the dark about. As of last month, four officers involved had been fired and another four had pending disciplinary hearings where their jobs hung in the balance. Three others resigned before the department could take action. The alleged ringleader, Officer Alan Carrillo, faces charges of theft and 'altering, planting or concealing evidence.' Court records show he was recently offered pretrial diversion by L.A. County prosecutors, which could spare him jail but require him to stop working in law enforcement. Carrillo has pleaded not guilty to the charges. In an interview with The Times, Gonzalez — the sergeant who is facing termination — recalled a moment during a recorded interrogation that he found so troubling he contacted the police union director Jamie McBride, to express concern. McBride, he said, went to Lloyd's boss, then-deputy chief Michael Rimkunas, seeking Lloyd's removal from Internal Affairs. The move failed. Lloyd kept his job. Rimkunas confirmed the exchange with the police union leader in an interview with The Times. He said that while he couldn't discuss Lloyd specifically due to state personnel privacy laws, in general the department assigns higher-profile Internal Affairs cases to detectives with a proven track record. Gonzalez, though, can't shake the feeling that Lloyd crossed the line in trying to crack him during an interrogation. He said that at one point while Lloyd was asking questions, the detective casually flipped over his phone, which had been sitting on the table. On the back of the protective case, Gonzalez said, was a grim reaper sticker. 'And then as he turned it he looked at me as if to get a reaction from me,' Gonzalez said. 'It was definitely a way of trying to intimidate me for sure.'