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Governor proposes millions more for pregnancy centers in state budget

Governor proposes millions more for pregnancy centers in state budget

Yahoo13-02-2025

COLUMBUS, Ohio (WCMH) – Gov. Mike DeWine's proposed state budget for the next two fiscal years includes an over 40% increase in funding for pregnancy centers, which promote childbirth over abortion.
In Ohio, the governor makes budget recommendations early into each new General Assembly using insight from state agencies and knowledge of upcoming federal funding. DeWine submitted his draft to the legislature on Feb. 3, detailing a spending plan for 2026 and 2027.
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In DeWine's suggested budget, he proposed increasing support for the Parenting and Pregnancy Program by 42.9%, which would raise annual funding from $7 million to $10 million. The program was established in 2013 and allows the department to award taxpayer dollars, issued in grants, to select nonprofits that encourage childbirth rather than abortion. Under Ohio law, eligible organizations must be entirely separate from any entity that refers patients to abortion clinics or advertises abortion.
This money is commonly awarded to pregnancy centers, which are typically operated by faith-based groups that provide free services to women including pregnancy tests, ultrasounds and infant supplies.
Emma Martinez, director of legislative and external affairs at Ohio Right to Life, called the proposed funding increase a 'fantastic move,' claiming the state has seen a growing need for pregnancy centers in recent years.
'We are seeing the need for them just increase,' Martinez said. 'There are so many women that are saying, 'We need help, we need assistance,' many of whom want to keep their children.'
However, reproductive rights groups such as Abortion Forward have spoken out against these centers, calling them 'fake clinics' that are 'anti-abortion' and not upfront about the services they provide.
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'They use deceptive tactics, people may think that they're at a healthcare facility when they're not,' said Kellie Copeland, executive director at Abortion Forward. 'They may or may not be staffed with people with healthcare backgrounds, they may offer ultrasounds, but they're not diagnostic and the client does not know that. … They think that they might be at a place that's offering them unbiased care, and they're not.'
If the legislature approves DeWine's proposed allocation for pregnancy centers, this will not be the first time the centers have seen a boost in funding in recent years. In 2023, lawmakers approved a state budget that directed $14 million to the state program, up from $6 million the previous two-year budget. Abortion Forward estimates the state has given over $40 million to pregnancy centers since 2015.
'When they get taxpayer funding and that funding is supposed to be helping people with unexpected pregnancies, we find that the funds are not really well used by these centers, certainly not up to the standard of other taxpayer dollars,' Copeland said. 'A lot of the funds that go to these anti-abortion centers actually go to social media, ads and billboards.'
However, Martinez said these funds can help give women in crisis the additional support they need. One example of services pregnancy centers may offer include parenting classes where expectant mothers can earn points to get free clothes, cribs or other necessities, Martinez said.
'These centers are providing care throughout not only pregnancy but support after,' Martinez said. '[Abortion clinics are] not offering parenting classes, they're not offering car seats. These are things only pregnancy centers are offering throughout our state. … That is so much more effort into helping a woman than just offering her an abortion, which says 'Oh you're scared about a pregnancy, we'll get rid of it for you and that's all we're going to offer you.''
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Copeland believes the state funds could be used to support pregnant women in better ways, such as through SNAP benefits and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC), which provides personalized guidance on healthy eating, lactation resources, and allows participants to receive vouchers to purchase baby formula.
'Representatives from these clinics, they come to the Statehouse, they advocate against abortion access, against family planning centers and things like that,' Copeland said. 'It's really troubling the way these centers operate and the amount of money that they've been given with no material oversight or regulation.'
To receive funding through the Parenting and Pregnancy Program, organizations must fill out a form through the Ohio Department of Job and Family Services to apply for funding and specify what it is needed for.
'You really have to explain what you're doing with these funds, be upfront about what, what the use is and what services you're providing,' Martinez said.
About one in seven women in the state have visited a crisis pregnancy center, according to a study conducted by Ohio State University in 2021. Copeland estimated the state is home to about 110 centers, while Martinez estimated the number is close to 150. In Columbus, there were 10 pregnancy centers in the city compared with two abortion providers in 2023, according to a report by Abortion Forward.
Throughout the spring, the Ohio House and Senate will consider items in the draft and have the opportunity to make changes. The budget will be formed into a bill before it is enacted on July 1.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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Nesi's Notes: June 14

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Rudi 'splains it: How Kansas City stadium funding clears state constitutional hurdles
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Rudi 'splains it: How Kansas City stadium funding clears state constitutional hurdles

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The prohibition on lending state or local credit, or giving state or local public money, to private interests remains a part of the state Constitution. During debate on the stadium bill, opponents questioned whether the prohibition was being violated. 'The reason why the Constitution forbids that is because the drafters of that language knew that eventually the legislature would appropriate money to the people who we consider our friends, at the expense of everybody else in the state, instead of appropriate money or spend money for the good of all the general welfare of our state,' said state Rep. Bill Hardwick, a Republican from Dixon. Despite the prohibition, Missouri provides hundreds of millions annually in economic development incentives. In fiscal 2024, the state authorized $403 million in tax credits including $114 million for projects to rehabilitate old buildings, $84 million to build low-income housing and $101 million for new or expanding businesses through the Missouri Works program. Tax credit holders redeemed $904 million during the fiscal year, cashing in credits issued in past years. You may ask yourself, what makes one form of incentive legal and another illegal? The answer comes from the Missouri Supreme Court. When I was just a sprout of a reporter, still in journalism school, St. Louis had two daily newspapers, the Post-Dispatch and the Globe-Democrat. My professor, Phill Brooks, will tell you my reporting in the fall of 1986 is the reason there is only one today. The Globe-Democrat was a conservative newspaper and backed Republican Gov. John Ashcroft editorially. It was also failing, and businessmen John B. Prentis and William E. Franke, the owners, won approval of a $15 million state-backed loan to purchase a printing plant. I found, unsurprisingly, that both Prentis and Franke were contributors to Ashcroft's campaign. What was surprising is that only the five Republican members of the Missouri Industrial Development Board, also contributors to Ashcroft, attended the meeting that approved the Globe-Democrat loan. The loans were backed by a promise that, in the case of default, bondholders would receive tax credits equal to 50% of their loss. Ashcroft became concerned about the optics of the deal, didn't issue the loan and the newspaper folded. In a test case, involving a loan to a Joplin company, the Missouri Supreme Court ruled the program violated the Constitution. 'This tax credit is as much a grant of public money or property and is as much a drain on the state's coffers as would be an outright payment by the state to the bondholder upon default,' the court ruled in January 1987. 'There is no difference between the state granting a tax credit and foregoing the collection of the tax and the state making an outright payment to the bondholder from revenues already collected.' More recently, in 2023, lawmakers put $8.5 million into the budget for a no-interest loan to help Magnitude 7 Metals keep its New Madrid smelter open. Then-Gov. Mike Parson vetoed the money, citing the constitutional prohibition. The reason the current tax credit programs are legal and the one the Globe-Democrat tried to use was not is, the Missouri Supreme Court ruled in 2011, that the U.S. Supreme Court had decided that tax credits are not the same thing as a direct expenditure of public funds. But the stadium bill does promise a direct appropriation from the treasury. Neither the Chiefs nor the Royals, however, will issue the stadium bonds or be directly responsible for paying the debt. That will be the job of either the Jackson County Sports Complex Authority, a public entity that owns the stadiums, or a new public entity created for the location where a new stadium is built. That means the direct payments for the stadium probably don't violate the constitution. But don't rely on me. I am not a lawyer or a judge. I just play one in the newspaper.

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