Bad blood: On India-Canada ties
Ten years after he last visited Canada, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will travel to Kananaskis, Alberta, as a special invitee to the G-7 summit outreach (June 15-17), with some hopes that the invitation from Prime Minister Mark Carney will give the two countries a chance to reset bilateral ties. Mr. Carney's call to Mr. Modi last Friday took many by surprise, as it appeared to come at the last-minute, and possibly after some back-channel calls to ensure neither side would be embarrassed by the outcome. Under fire for the invitation despite a pending trial against Indian government agents in Canada, Mr. Carney said, quite rightly, that India, as a major world economic force, deserves to be part of the G-7 outreach deliberations. Regardless of the reasoning, both the invitation and its acceptance indicate a desire on both sides to take India-Canada ties out of the present lows. In the past two years, after former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau went public with thus far unsubstantiated allegations that India was behind the assassination of Khalistani activist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, and was targeting other Canadian nationals, and RCMP officials even named Home Minister Amit Shah in the conspiracy, both countries have cut mission strengths down to a third. Canada suspended talks for a free trade agreement, while India temporarily stopped issuing visas to Canadians, citing persistent threats to Indian diplomats. Apart from considerable trade and investment, India and Canada are inextricably bound by their people — over 1.86 million are settled in Canada, but remain connected to India.
Given the tough task ahead, teams preparing for the Carney-Modi meeting must work with the utmost sensitivity. While ties have nosedived since 2023, they have had a history of bad blood dating back to the 1970s, primarily over the Khalistan issue. It would be naive to imagine that these issues can be resolved in a summit, but a considered decision by both leaders to publicly show respect for each other's positions is necessary. Returning the high commissioners and other diplomats to their posts is an imperative, along with a possible timeline for the restoration of trade talks. Speaking in Parliament, Mr. Carney said that Mr. Modi has agreed to a 'law enforcement dialogue' where, no doubt, the Nijjar case and issues over Khalistani threats to Indian diplomats and community centres will come up, and the public messaging from the meeting will be the most important part of ensuring a path to improved relations. 'Summit-level meetings' such as the one planned in Kananaskis can only open a door toward bettering ties; it is the necessarily tedious and painstaking talks behind the scenes that will actually allow the two countries to step through those doors and essay a different way of engaging each other.
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The Wire
32 minutes ago
- The Wire
India Says Reset with Canada on Agenda, Carney Says Nijjar Probe Raised with Modi
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Top Stories India Says Reset with Canada on Agenda, Carney Says Nijjar Probe Raised with Modi The Wire Staff 39 minutes ago Meanwhile, Carney is still facing questions about his invitation to Modi to attend the G7 summit. MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal addressing the press. Photo: Screenshot from MEA livestream. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now New Delhi: Ahead of the G7 summit, India said on Thursday (June 12) that Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Canadian counterpart, Mark Carney, would discuss a reset in ties grounded in mutual 'sensitivity', even as Carney confirmed raising with Modi the ongoing probes into alleged Indian involvement in criminal plots on Canadian soil. Last week, Carney spoke with Modi and extended an invitation for the forthcoming G7 summit in Kananaskis in western Canada. Modi accepted the invitation, which came just over a week before the summit begins on June 15. It was a dramatic turnaround in relations that had been frozen for 20 months since former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau alleged that Indians agents were involved in killing Khalistani separatist Hardeep Singh Nijjar and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police accused Indian agents of targeting Canadian nationals. During the weekly briefing on Thursday, external affairs ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said that the forthcoming bilateral meeting between Modi and Carney would 'explore pathways to reset the relationship based on mutual respect, shared interests and sensitivity to each other's concerns'. He added that India's views 'on some of these issues have already been shared publicly in considerable detail'. In contrast to Modi's announcement that only spoke about working together with 'renewed vigour', Carney had to immediately defend his invitation before the media. 'We have now agreed, importantly, to continued law enforcement dialogue. So there's been some progress on that, which recognises issues of accountability. I extended the invitation to Prime Minister Modi in that context, and he has accepted,' he said last Friday in Ottawa. When asked about Carney's mention of a dialogue between security agencies, the Indian foreign ministry spokesperson stated, 'There are existing mechanisms between Indian and Canadian law enforcement agencies that have discussed issues of mutual security concern over a period of time. This engagement is likely to continue.' India had previously claimed on several occasions that Canada had 'created an environment for illegal migration and organised criminal activities'. 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The Canadian leader added that the legal case will continue and 'India knows that'. He added that Canada had made progress with India bilaterally and that 'they are OK with having a legal process between law enforcement entities'. Carney reiterated that Canada wants to discuss energy security, critical minerals and artificial intelligence with world leaders, and it's 'hard to have those discussions without India'. Ruling Liberal party lawmaker Sukh Dhaliwal, who represents the constituency where Nijjar was killed, had been critical of the invitation. As per Canadian media, he had a meeting with Carney on Wednesday to express his constituents' concerns. Dhaliwal said Carney is 'very strong' and would represent concerns about Indian interference and transnational crime when speaking to Modi. 'I'm saying it's not a good idea, but now he's invited. We have to move forward,' he said. 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Hyphenating US-Pak: Doing business with gunmen
Howdy, phenomenal pardners! Michael Kurilla (left) & Asif Munir, Florida, 2023 The Trump regime's reported invitation to Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir to attend the 250th US Army Day celebrations in Washington tomorrow has stirred various vectors of speculation. Chief among them: Potential reset in US-Pakistan relations. Pakistan's prospective utility within an emergent Trump doctrine that views bilateral ties primarily through an economic lens. Revival of a counterterrorism partnership between Islamabad/Rawalpindi and Washington. Implications of such a warming of US-Pakistan ties on US-India relations. In New Delhi, this apparent shift in Washington's posture has come as a surprise. What is even more startling is the timing - coming on the heels of India's retaliation against Pakistan for its involvement in the Pahalgam terrorist attacks on civilians. A significant part of Trump's appeal among Indians, both in India and the diaspora, stemmed from his tough stance on terrorism. During Trump 1.0, he publicly called out Pakistan's duplicity in his very first tweet of 2018, accusing it of 'lies and deceit' while receiving billions in US aid. He subsequently cut $300 mn in aid to Pakistan, a move that built on the Obama administration's earlier decision to withhold one-third of all military assistance to the country. During Trump 2.0, consistent with his recalibrated approach toward various global actors, the US president has markedly diverged from his earlier stance, Pakistan being no exception. In February, the Trump regime departed from its broader aid-cutting policy to authorise $397 mn in security assistance to Pakistan. This was specifically aimed at supporting a US-backed programme for maintenance and technical support of Pakistan's F-16 fighter the assistance explicitly stated that it was not to be used for operations against India, reopening of funding channels to Pakistan signalled a broader trend of policy reversal. In March, Trump publicly thanked Pakistan for its assistance in the arrest of Mohammad Sharifullah, a suspect linked to multiple terrorist attacks, including the 2021 Abbey Gate bombing in recently, Trump's consistent attempts to place Pakistan on equal footing with India, particularly following the India-Pak military escalation in May, appear driven by strategic reinforcing this shift, US Centcom chief Michael Kurilla referred to Pakistan as a 'phenomenal partner' in counterterrorism efforts. Similarly, Paul Kapur, Trump's incoming assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asian affairs, affirmed that the US would 'pursue security cooperation where it is beneficial to US interests while seeking opportunities for bilateral collaboration in trade and investment'. Together, these moves reflect a deliberate and coordinated strategy for renewed strategic engagement with apparent rapprochement between the US and Pakistan may be driven largely by Trump's personal inclinations, and a possible desire to secure future economic deals. For Pakistan, warming ties with Washington represent a strategic gain, however temporary. Any signs of improving relations between Islamabad/Rawalpindi and Washington stand in sharp political contrast to the stance of former PM Imran Khan and his supporters in Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).Khan had accused the US of orchestrating the fall of his government, and maintained that he would never have agreed to American demands for military bases in his country. If PTI continues to remain a significant political force, any future US requests for enhanced military presence - even under the guise of counterterrorism - are likely to face resistance. 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While this approach may serve immediate US interests, especially in economic terms, it risks prompting a strategic recalibration by other nations in how they engage with the the shadow of recent military escalation between India and Pakistan, Pakistan's detente with the US may present an opportunity for Trump. But the strain this reset places on India-US relations could prove detrimental to both countries in the long run. The divergence between New Delhi and Washington is now most pronounced on the issue of Pakistan and, more broadly, on India has strongly reaffirmed its zero-tolerance stance against terrorism following the Pahalgam attack, the Trump regime appears increasingly willing to engage Pakistan as a counterterrorism partner. In doing so, Trump seems to be prioritising unilateral US interests over shared strategic concerns that have long underpinned the India-US partnership. 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