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First Winnie-the-Pooh became a murderer, now Bambi? Why children's classics are going dark

First Winnie-the-Pooh became a murderer, now Bambi? Why children's classics are going dark

The Hundred Acre Wood is a magical place. It's where Winnie-the-Pooh enjoys his honey, while Piglet tracks down 'Heffalumps', and Tigger bounces around on his springy tail.
But what has long been a joyful childhood memory has recently been transformed into a hellish nightmare.
In 2023, British director Rhys Frake-Waterfield released Winnie-the-Pooh: Blood and Honey, a slasher adaptation of the A.A. Milne children's classic. In it, the cute and cuddly Pooh doesn't eat honey – instead, he drinks the blood of his victims. Piglet isn't a nervous, loyal friend, but a sledgehammer-wielding maniac. Oh, and Eeyore, the gloomy yet loveable donkey, has been eaten by his Hundred Acre Wood chums. Oh, bother.
It's not just Pooh and pals who are going dark. Peter Pan became a mutilated child-abductor in Peter Pan's Neverland Nightmare, Mickey Mouse turned into a birthday party serial killer in Mickey's Mouse Trap, and, in late July, Bambi appeared as a mutated, ravenous monster in Bambi: The Reckoning.
These films are part of an emerging phenomenon in horror cinema, wherein beloved children's characters that have fallen out of copyright are turned into terrifying, twisted killers.
'I think it's perfectly normal to enjoy watching Winnie-the-Pooh decapitate someone and smash their head in,' says Frake-Waterfield. 'A lot of horror feels pretty repetitive, so we wanted to make something that made people go: 'What the f--- is that?', 'Someone actually made this?', 'What's wrong with that director?''
Despite their apparent perversion, the low-budget films are attracting decent crowds. Blood and Honey cost less than $155,000 to make, yet grossed over $8 million worldwide. Its sequel, though not as successful as the first, still made over $1.57 million globally against a microbudget. To put that into perspective, a major action release like Mission: Impossible – The Final Reckoning, which cost over $600 million to produce, just managed to turn a profit with around $920 million worldwide. Meanwhile, Blood and Honey earned its budget back nearly 52 times over.
Not everyone is on board, however. The films have generally been critically panned – Blood and Honey even swept five Razzies (the spoof Oscars for terrible films) in 2024 – and social media has been rife with thinkpieces arguing they're an abomination.
So, what is it about these films that rubs some people the wrong way, and how have they managed to gain momentum despite the backlash?
Why now?
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In January 2022, the original Winnie-the-Pooh stories by A.A. Milne entered the public domain. This meant that the characters depicted in the children's classic were suddenly up for grabs, freeing the way for directors like Frake-Waterfield to reimagine Pooh as a vengeful murderer – without getting slammed with a copyright infringement suit.
A.A. Milne's characters were followed by the earliest version of Bambi from Felix Salten's 1923 book, which lapsed copyright in 2022, and the original version of Mickey Mouse, otherwise known as Steamboat Willie, which entered the public domain two years later.
Notably, the Disney iterations of these characters are all still under copyright. That's why Mickey's Mouse Trap doesn't contain a surprise cameo from a killer Donald Duck – that character was a Disney addition to Mickey's clubhouse. It's also why Pooh isn't wearing a red crop top in Blood and Honey – Pooh didn't get his Disney red shirt until 1932.
Frake-Waterfield says he's always been interested in grabbing any IP he could 'get away with using'. 'If I get sued, I won't do it. That's my limit for now. That said, I might dabble a bit further at some point, just to see where the boundaries really are.'
Artistic brilliance?
If profit margins alone were considered, these films would be undisputed hits, particularly given how little is needed to create them (Frake-Waterfield says they typically spend around £300,000 on production).
Their relative financial success shouldn't be too surprising, Isaacs says. Horror is, after all, a subversive genre. 'Art should make us feel really uncomfortable sometimes,' he says.
'There's a gleefulness in a horror film saying it's willing to push the envelope to such a degree that it'll take your most treasured figure and turn it into some dark, perverse object. There's something artistically interesting and challenging in doing that.'
It's also politically interesting. Traditional Disney stories, for example, tend to serve conservative liberal narratives to children, exploring what some may consider problematic views on gender and power – take the 'good king' versus 'bad king' in The Lion King. These slasher adaptations, however, flip this on its head.
'Why shouldn't somebody be able to take the image of so-called innocence and reconstruct it as this dark figure? There's something intrinsically valuable in that kind of reconstruction, aside from the fact that it's also just bloody funny,' Isaacs says.
It's not like the children's stories being adapted are the epitome of joy, either. Dr Gregory Dolgopolov, artistic director of the Vision Splendid Outback Film Festival and film researcher at UNSW, says many of these tales were initially moral parables containing violence and horror to address real anxieties – elements later sanitised by the 20th-century commercial interests that monetised those stories.
'Confronting darkness in stories, even for children in appropriate forms, can serve an important psychological purpose by helping audiences process fear,' he says. 'Everyone knows Pooh and loves him, so it's easy to rework that material into a darker mode and exploit it as part of the audience's pleasure and to break taboos.'
Or abomination?
Since releasing Blood and Honey, Frake-Waterfield says he regularly receives hate online. The most recent message read: 'You f---ing psychopath, what drugs are you on?'
'The hate and backlash really is relentless. We get abuse daily, everything from verbal attacks and death threats to personal insults. Scott [Jeffrey], my co-producer, even has a stalker now,' Frake-Waterfield says. 'Luckily, I've got pretty thick skin, so it doesn't really affect me.'
This backlash is largely due to some people's emotional ties to the source material, Dolgopolov says, and broader concerns around the preservation of cherished cultural artefacts.
'These films challenge audiences' nostalgic love for safe symbols of our childhoods. For some, crossing that line simply feels wrong, no matter how inventive or legally permissible the result may be.'
Others, Dolgopolov adds, are convinced these films are merely made for shock value and commercial exploitation rather than meaningful artistic commentary.
Will these cuddly killers live on?
Frake-Waterfield has big plans for this sub-genre. In 2024, Jagged Edge Productions (which distributes most of these films) announced the 'Twisted Childhood Universe', a Marvel-esque crossover that will bring Pooh and all his wicked friends together on-screen.
What will the Twisted Childhood Universe look like?
Frake-Waterfield says he and Jagged Edge Productions have so far planned 11 phases.
Phase one is nearly complete. It includes two Blood and Honey movies, Peter Pan's Neverland Nightmare, and Bambi: The Reckoning. Pinocchio: Unstrung, which will see the beloved puppet string people up, will be next, with an expected release date sometime this year.
'Phase one will culminate in Poohniverse: Monsters Assemble, where all the villains work together in an Avengers-style encounter. There will be a 'big bad' in this movie akin to someone like Thanos,' Frake-Waterfield says.
The next 10 phases will commence following this, though the director says the specific productions are being kept under tight wraps. Though phase 11 is as far as they have planned, Frake-Waterfield says there's probably ample room for more.
Though its audience will probably remain niche, Isaacs says the fandom shouldn't disappear, especially as its engagement is deepened through new adapted characters and crossover films. It points to a general boom in horror recently, which has seen franchises like Smile unexpectedly gain major global success.
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However, these adaptation films ultimately don't even need to rely on the box office, because much of their success is derived from buzz on social media and online forums.
It's important to remember that creatives have been adapting works of art for centuries, Isaacs says. So, why police this particular form of adaptation?
'The nature of subversive art is to go where other forms of traditional art won't go … Works [are] being coded, re-coded and reinterpreted constantly, that's what makes art exciting. I worry that as an artistic culture, we've been asked to police boundaries more, and that's often unhealthy. We should enable people to experience weirdness alongside the traditional, conventional, respectful stuff.'
Loading
Dolgopolov agrees, noting that he wouldn't be surprised if Australian creators eventually jumped on the bandwagon.
'I expect someone will pitch a story about Mr Squiggle, Skippy, Snugglepot and Cuddlepie cooking up a beef Wellington and going on a bloody rampage, as they hunt down Ivan Milat and challenge Ginger Meggs and the Gumnut Babies to a final girl showdown,' he says.
While he doesn't see any issue with re-imaginings like Blood and Honey, he says it's best if they reinterpret the original material as meaningfully as possible.
'I hope they … love the material and not just use it as a convenient template. Perhaps they could bring out aspects from the original that may be hidden in plain sight – like the philosophical interventions of Eeyore.'
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Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there
Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there

Sydney Morning Herald

time2 hours ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there

In the election cycle just past, social media commentator Hannah Ferguson was everywhere. The 27-year-old interviewed the prime minister, found herself at the centre of media storms, went viral multiple times, and delivered an election post-mortem at the National Press Club. I see her multitasking in action when, halfway through our lunch at A.P. Bread & Wine, a waiter stops to clear Ferguson's empty plate. I look down to see my barely touched meal and wonder how this is possible, given that Ferguson has been doing almost all the talking. I hadn't even noticed Ferguson chowing down on her 'leftover bread pasta'. She talks quickly and rarely hesitates, even when I push back on her answers or delve into more controversial topics. Admittedly, 'The All Purpose' platter I ordered is large, and I am known to eat at a leisurely pace, but I'm still bemused by how Ferguson's ability to do it all at once is a pleasing metaphor for her last six months. When we meet in mid-June, Ferguson's finally had some time to breathe after a manic period of work that was bookended by the US election and hosting British author Dolly Alderton at the Sydney Opera House on one end, and the Australian federal election and announcing her plans to run for the Senate on the other. Already beloved among progressive Gen Z women, Ferguson burst into Australia's broader public consciousness this year. While her loyal left-wing fan base expanded, so did her pool of detractors. She's reached the milestone of being well-known enough to be the sole target of hit pieces in The Australian and diatribes on Sky News. 'It's actually shocking to me to look back,' Ferguson tells me. 'I feel like I've cracked through five ceilings in five months.' On October 31, 2022, Ferguson celebrated the second anniversary of her progressive social media platform, Cheek Media, with a message to her followers, posted (of course) to Instagram: 'I won't sleep until I can confirm that Rupert Murdoch knows me and hates me,' it read. Having launched the feminist platform in 2020 with two friends, primarily to call out media reporting of domestic and sexual violence, Ferguson had since taken the project solo. When Cheek hit 50,000 followers in 2023, a book deal emerged that allowed Ferguson to quit her job, move to Sydney and run the platform full-time. The book that resulted is Bite Back, an homage to the promise contained in Cheek's tagline: 'News that bites back.' 'The idea is that we can respond and say, 'No, no, we're cutting through the noise'. Young people see through this, and we want something different,' Ferguson says. It quickly grew into a platform for Ferguson's political commentary, delivered in tweet-sized text snippets or vertical video. (While Cheek is a popular Instagram news source, Ferguson's always insisted she's not a journalist.) Cheek is now nearing the 200,000 follower mark on Instagram, after a huge six months that saw more than 50,000 new followers join to hear Ferguson's commentary in the lead-up to the election. Her podcast, Big Small Talk, co-hosted with Sarah Jane Adams, regularly features in Australia's top 50 on Spotify, and Ferguson has announced a national tour. A little less than three years after her bold Rupert Murdoch claim, it's impossible to say if the media mogul knows Ferguson's name, but she's certainly caught the attention of the mainstream political establishment and the ire of the mastheads and networks Murdoch owns. On June 6, The Australian ran an opinion piece about Ferguson with the headline 'Progressive 'girlboss' preaches diversity – but champions conformity'. Days earlier, Sky News presenter Chris Kenny said her address to the National Press Club included 'plenty of the usual extreme-left bile'. In that May address, Ferguson articulated the same goal she had in 2022: to be an 'antidote' to the 'Murdoch media'. Is it overly ambitious for a 26-year-old in Sydney to take on arguably the world's most powerful media figure (the industry's biggest 'influencer', one might say)? Maybe, but unbridled ambition and barefaced confidence are Ferguson's signatures. Ferguson grew up in a working-class conservative household, moving from Orange to south-west Sydney and back again during her childhood. Her dad is a truck driver, now based in Queensland, and her mum still lives in regional NSW, running a small bra fitting business. Aged 13, Ferguson recalls how her parents' critique of Julia Gillard's 2012 misogyny speech didn't sit right. 'I remember thinking, 'They're not making fun of her policies. They're making fun of the way she speaks, and her haircut'.' As Ferguson grew up, she developed political views that were at odds with her parents', but still credits them with allowing for the robust debate that helped form her point of view. 'The reason I am progressive is that my parents always treated me like a small adult. I was allowed to ask any question.' Ferguson received a scholarship to study law at the University of Queensland, where her political perspective was shaped further by the privilege she observed in the 'stuffy' law school culture. Early work experiences at Queensland's Department of Public Prosecutions and the Electrical Trades Union provided a conviction in those beliefs that rears its head again and again through Ferguson's career. 'I was negotiating with BHP, with Rio, with Qantas. That's a wild thing to be able to say at 23,' Ferguson recalls of her time at the union. 'I think that really reflects what I do now in that I don't really doubt that I'm welcome at these tables and that I can say something.' With Cheek, Ferguson is delivering content for mostly young, mostly female progressives who aren't necessarily highly engaged in the political process but who agree with her worldview and care about the news. One 24-year-old fan I spoke to said she valued how Ferguson broke down big concepts and explained the impact of the news on society at large. 'I came to Hannah because I agree with her, and there aren't many people that I feel represented by in the media in terms of that worldview,' she told me. Cheek has a squarely political focus, but often uses memes and humour to deliver its message, while Big Small Talk is a hybrid pop culture-politics podcast that gives equal airtime to the top political stories and the latest celebrity news. 'The joke is putting the dog's medicine in peanut butter,' Ferguson says, explaining that despite being highly engaged, many Gen Zers are put off by traditional media's approach to politics. There's no doubt that their media habits are changing. Over the past year, the number of Australians accessing news via social media overtook online websites, with Instagram being the primary news source for 40 per cent of people aged 18-24, according to the University of Canberra's latest Digital News Report. Ferguson puts that down to mainstream outlets' failure to connect with young people, and in her typically confident way, she stood up at the National Press Club and said as much to a room full of newspaper and TV journalists. 'The fourth estate has failed us because it's currently wedded to the Coalition,' she claimed in her address. 'These outlets wanted to sow the seeds of doubt. They wanted to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who have developed the ability to communicate with new audiences in ways traditional media cannot fathom because they have eroded the trust of their audiences.' This line alluded to the response of Canberra's press gallery when Labor invited a group of social media personalities, including Ferguson, to the federal budget lock-up. Ferguson became the face of the biggest story of the pre-election budget that no one wanted to have. The Australian Financial Review called the group of largely female commentators 'self-obsessed and self-promoting', and Ferguson criticised The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald when a report on Labor paying for some influencers' travel costs included her image, even though she paid her own way. Loading The budget uproar was the start of what would be dubbed the 'influencer election', spawning countless think pieces, many of which took a condescending tone, accusing the diverse group of personalities of 'chasing clout' and delivering 'light-weight' political coverage. 'It was naive of me not to think that I would become the story in some way,' Ferguson says, adding that the budget prepared her for what was to come during the election campaign. 'This idea of shitting on us in the first instance, instead of actually getting a microphone out themselves and explaining politics to people, it's this elitist view of what news is meant to be,' Ferguson says. Ferguson has a degree of sympathy for those who are reluctant to accept the disruption of anarchic, inexperienced social media commentators on hierarchical newsroom structures. 'I can talk about vibrators the day after covering the budget, and that would, fairly, be so painful [for political journalists] because I'm not providing the sophisticated take they are.' In some ways, what Ferguson and her peers are doing is not all that new. She's drawn a parallel between her work and talkback radio. Even veteran tailback radio broadcaster Ray Hadley has recently embraced vertical video, and there's very little that distinguishes what he does from Ferguson's work, except their age and experience, and of course, their gender. Ferguson thinks the other element at play when the mainstream media sneers at her is a 'fundamental belief that young women are silly, stupid, self-obsessed and doing it for the wrong reasons'. 'And that's from the left and the right,' she adds. Social media success is not Ferguson's end goal. 'I think it's amazing to have the following I do, but social media has killed me,' she says, listing off the bullying and threats she's faced online. 'There are so many parts of my spirit that have been broken that cannot be repaired.' Ferguson is hiring Cheek's second full-time employee, and opening up the platform to freelance writers for the first time. She hopes that no longer running the platform solo will give her the time she needs to mount her campaign to enter politics as an independent senator at the next election. While remaining realistic about the unlikely odds of being elected, Ferguson is dogged in her conviction, telling me she is prepared to try and fail 'a hundred times'. 'I think there's something so important about showing people how to fail and that it's not embarrassing to give it a go.' And Ferguson's not in the business of being coy about the extent of her ambition, revealing that her ultimate goal is to create a new political party that fills an ideological gap she sees on the left, between Labor and the Greens. Loading 'We are so used to the two-party system that asking Labor to do anything feels like begging for a crumb,' Ferguson says, mentioning climate action, gender inequality and the cost of living, while the Greens' 'baggage and branding' has allowed it to be framed as radical and obstructionist. 'What I would be looking to do is create a kind of framework for how we can make policy with respect, not designed to inflame, and focus on issues that matter to Middle Australians,' she says, citing David Pocock as the kind of politician she would aspire to be. 'This is a bigger dream. This is a lifetime dream. I want to create a new major party.' Ferguson delivers this statement with the same confidence that propelled her to the centre of Australian politics in her mid-twenties. And while it's tempting to dismiss her goals as too lofty, you wouldn't dare write her off.

Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there
Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there

The Age

time2 hours ago

  • The Age

Hannah Ferguson wants Rupert Murdoch to know her (and hate her). Her ambition doesn't end there

In the election cycle just past, social media commentator Hannah Ferguson was everywhere. The 27-year-old interviewed the prime minister, found herself at the centre of media storms, went viral multiple times, and delivered an election post-mortem at the National Press Club. I see her multitasking in action when, halfway through our lunch at A.P. Bread & Wine, a waiter stops to clear Ferguson's empty plate. I look down to see my barely touched meal and wonder how this is possible, given that Ferguson has been doing almost all the talking. I hadn't even noticed Ferguson chowing down on her 'leftover bread pasta'. She talks quickly and rarely hesitates, even when I push back on her answers or delve into more controversial topics. Admittedly, 'The All Purpose' platter I ordered is large, and I am known to eat at a leisurely pace, but I'm still bemused by how Ferguson's ability to do it all at once is a pleasing metaphor for her last six months. When we meet in mid-June, Ferguson's finally had some time to breathe after a manic period of work that was bookended by the US election and hosting British author Dolly Alderton at the Sydney Opera House on one end, and the Australian federal election and announcing her plans to run for the Senate on the other. Already beloved among progressive Gen Z women, Ferguson burst into Australia's broader public consciousness this year. While her loyal left-wing fan base expanded, so did her pool of detractors. She's reached the milestone of being well-known enough to be the sole target of hit pieces in The Australian and diatribes on Sky News. 'It's actually shocking to me to look back,' Ferguson tells me. 'I feel like I've cracked through five ceilings in five months.' On October 31, 2022, Ferguson celebrated the second anniversary of her progressive social media platform, Cheek Media, with a message to her followers, posted (of course) to Instagram: 'I won't sleep until I can confirm that Rupert Murdoch knows me and hates me,' it read. Having launched the feminist platform in 2020 with two friends, primarily to call out media reporting of domestic and sexual violence, Ferguson had since taken the project solo. When Cheek hit 50,000 followers in 2023, a book deal emerged that allowed Ferguson to quit her job, move to Sydney and run the platform full-time. The book that resulted is Bite Back, an homage to the promise contained in Cheek's tagline: 'News that bites back.' 'The idea is that we can respond and say, 'No, no, we're cutting through the noise'. Young people see through this, and we want something different,' Ferguson says. It quickly grew into a platform for Ferguson's political commentary, delivered in tweet-sized text snippets or vertical video. (While Cheek is a popular Instagram news source, Ferguson's always insisted she's not a journalist.) Cheek is now nearing the 200,000 follower mark on Instagram, after a huge six months that saw more than 50,000 new followers join to hear Ferguson's commentary in the lead-up to the election. Her podcast, Big Small Talk, co-hosted with Sarah Jane Adams, regularly features in Australia's top 50 on Spotify, and Ferguson has announced a national tour. A little less than three years after her bold Rupert Murdoch claim, it's impossible to say if the media mogul knows Ferguson's name, but she's certainly caught the attention of the mainstream political establishment and the ire of the mastheads and networks Murdoch owns. On June 6, The Australian ran an opinion piece about Ferguson with the headline 'Progressive 'girlboss' preaches diversity – but champions conformity'. Days earlier, Sky News presenter Chris Kenny said her address to the National Press Club included 'plenty of the usual extreme-left bile'. In that May address, Ferguson articulated the same goal she had in 2022: to be an 'antidote' to the 'Murdoch media'. Is it overly ambitious for a 26-year-old in Sydney to take on arguably the world's most powerful media figure (the industry's biggest 'influencer', one might say)? Maybe, but unbridled ambition and barefaced confidence are Ferguson's signatures. Ferguson grew up in a working-class conservative household, moving from Orange to south-west Sydney and back again during her childhood. Her dad is a truck driver, now based in Queensland, and her mum still lives in regional NSW, running a small bra fitting business. Aged 13, Ferguson recalls how her parents' critique of Julia Gillard's 2012 misogyny speech didn't sit right. 'I remember thinking, 'They're not making fun of her policies. They're making fun of the way she speaks, and her haircut'.' As Ferguson grew up, she developed political views that were at odds with her parents', but still credits them with allowing for the robust debate that helped form her point of view. 'The reason I am progressive is that my parents always treated me like a small adult. I was allowed to ask any question.' Ferguson received a scholarship to study law at the University of Queensland, where her political perspective was shaped further by the privilege she observed in the 'stuffy' law school culture. Early work experiences at Queensland's Department of Public Prosecutions and the Electrical Trades Union provided a conviction in those beliefs that rears its head again and again through Ferguson's career. 'I was negotiating with BHP, with Rio, with Qantas. That's a wild thing to be able to say at 23,' Ferguson recalls of her time at the union. 'I think that really reflects what I do now in that I don't really doubt that I'm welcome at these tables and that I can say something.' With Cheek, Ferguson is delivering content for mostly young, mostly female progressives who aren't necessarily highly engaged in the political process but who agree with her worldview and care about the news. One 24-year-old fan I spoke to said she valued how Ferguson broke down big concepts and explained the impact of the news on society at large. 'I came to Hannah because I agree with her, and there aren't many people that I feel represented by in the media in terms of that worldview,' she told me. Cheek has a squarely political focus, but often uses memes and humour to deliver its message, while Big Small Talk is a hybrid pop culture-politics podcast that gives equal airtime to the top political stories and the latest celebrity news. 'The joke is putting the dog's medicine in peanut butter,' Ferguson says, explaining that despite being highly engaged, many Gen Zers are put off by traditional media's approach to politics. There's no doubt that their media habits are changing. Over the past year, the number of Australians accessing news via social media overtook online websites, with Instagram being the primary news source for 40 per cent of people aged 18-24, according to the University of Canberra's latest Digital News Report. Ferguson puts that down to mainstream outlets' failure to connect with young people, and in her typically confident way, she stood up at the National Press Club and said as much to a room full of newspaper and TV journalists. 'The fourth estate has failed us because it's currently wedded to the Coalition,' she claimed in her address. 'These outlets wanted to sow the seeds of doubt. They wanted to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who have developed the ability to communicate with new audiences in ways traditional media cannot fathom because they have eroded the trust of their audiences.' This line alluded to the response of Canberra's press gallery when Labor invited a group of social media personalities, including Ferguson, to the federal budget lock-up. Ferguson became the face of the biggest story of the pre-election budget that no one wanted to have. The Australian Financial Review called the group of largely female commentators 'self-obsessed and self-promoting', and Ferguson criticised The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald when a report on Labor paying for some influencers' travel costs included her image, even though she paid her own way. Loading The budget uproar was the start of what would be dubbed the 'influencer election', spawning countless think pieces, many of which took a condescending tone, accusing the diverse group of personalities of 'chasing clout' and delivering 'light-weight' political coverage. 'It was naive of me not to think that I would become the story in some way,' Ferguson says, adding that the budget prepared her for what was to come during the election campaign. 'This idea of shitting on us in the first instance, instead of actually getting a microphone out themselves and explaining politics to people, it's this elitist view of what news is meant to be,' Ferguson says. Ferguson has a degree of sympathy for those who are reluctant to accept the disruption of anarchic, inexperienced social media commentators on hierarchical newsroom structures. 'I can talk about vibrators the day after covering the budget, and that would, fairly, be so painful [for political journalists] because I'm not providing the sophisticated take they are.' In some ways, what Ferguson and her peers are doing is not all that new. She's drawn a parallel between her work and talkback radio. Even veteran tailback radio broadcaster Ray Hadley has recently embraced vertical video, and there's very little that distinguishes what he does from Ferguson's work, except their age and experience, and of course, their gender. Ferguson thinks the other element at play when the mainstream media sneers at her is a 'fundamental belief that young women are silly, stupid, self-obsessed and doing it for the wrong reasons'. 'And that's from the left and the right,' she adds. Social media success is not Ferguson's end goal. 'I think it's amazing to have the following I do, but social media has killed me,' she says, listing off the bullying and threats she's faced online. 'There are so many parts of my spirit that have been broken that cannot be repaired.' Ferguson is hiring Cheek's second full-time employee, and opening up the platform to freelance writers for the first time. She hopes that no longer running the platform solo will give her the time she needs to mount her campaign to enter politics as an independent senator at the next election. While remaining realistic about the unlikely odds of being elected, Ferguson is dogged in her conviction, telling me she is prepared to try and fail 'a hundred times'. 'I think there's something so important about showing people how to fail and that it's not embarrassing to give it a go.' And Ferguson's not in the business of being coy about the extent of her ambition, revealing that her ultimate goal is to create a new political party that fills an ideological gap she sees on the left, between Labor and the Greens. Loading 'We are so used to the two-party system that asking Labor to do anything feels like begging for a crumb,' Ferguson says, mentioning climate action, gender inequality and the cost of living, while the Greens' 'baggage and branding' has allowed it to be framed as radical and obstructionist. 'What I would be looking to do is create a kind of framework for how we can make policy with respect, not designed to inflame, and focus on issues that matter to Middle Australians,' she says, citing David Pocock as the kind of politician she would aspire to be. 'This is a bigger dream. This is a lifetime dream. I want to create a new major party.' Ferguson delivers this statement with the same confidence that propelled her to the centre of Australian politics in her mid-twenties. And while it's tempting to dismiss her goals as too lofty, you wouldn't dare write her off.

Prince Harry and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex sign new Netflix contract
Prince Harry and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex sign new Netflix contract

Perth Now

time8 hours ago

  • Perth Now

Prince Harry and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex sign new Netflix contract

Prince Harry and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex have signed a new multi-year contract with Netflix. The couple have inked a deal to continue to produce films, TV shows and documentaries for the streaming giant through their Archewell Productions banner. Harry and Meghan's first offering in their new Netflix contract will be a documentary short about a Ugandan orphanage called Masaka Kids, A Rhythm Within, in which they will serve as co-producers on. The duchess is also set to present one-off "magical holiday" special of her cookery and lifestyle show With Love, Meghan in December, which promises to show viewers how to "deck the halls, create holiday feasts, craft heartfelt gifts and share lots of laughs". The couple - who stepped down as working members of the British royal family in 2020 before relocating to California - are also thought to be in "active development" on other projects that "span a variety of content genres", including a feature-length take on the best-selling romantic novel Meet Me at the Lake by Carley Fortune. Meghan, whose As Ever lifestyle brand is run in conjunction with Netflix, said that she and Harry, 40, are "proud" to have extended their partnership with Netflix. The 44-year-old former actress - who was known as Meghan Markle prior to marrying Harry in 2018 - said: "My husband and I feel inspired by our partners who work closely with us and our Archewell Productions team to create thoughtful content across genres that resonates globally, and celebrates our shared vision." Netflix's chief content officer Bela Bajaria said: "Harry and Meghan are influential voices whose stories resonate with audiences everywhere." The new deal has been announced just weeks before the Sussexes' initial five-year contract with the streamer was due to expire and it was previously thought that their contract was unlikely to be renewed. A source told The Sun newspaper last month: "The deal is done; no more shows will be made. Netflix feel they've got all they can from the couple... They're not unhappy with how things turned out — they got those initial hits, and produced one of the most talked-about shows of all time. "There's no animosity from either side. Things have just run their course." Another insider told the Daily Mail newspaper: "They're just waiting for the credits to roll. They're letting it expire without drama. There's no appetite for anything new." The couple initially signed a lucrative deal with Netflix in 2020 and created shows such as the tell-all documentary Harry and Meghan and the duke's sports show Polo.

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