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Iran vows revenge for Israeli strikes, saying it will write ‘end of this story'

Iran vows revenge for Israeli strikes, saying it will write ‘end of this story'

The Guardian18 hours ago

Iran vowed to avenge the attack on its nuclear sites and the assassination in Tehran of its senior military leadership, saying it would respond forcefully and that the 'end of this story will be written by Iran's hand'.
In the first signs of a counterstrike, Israel said Iran had launched 100 drones towards Israel and that its air defences were intercepting them outside Israeli territory. Iraq said more than 100 Iranian drones had crossed its airspace, and, soon after, neighbouring Jordan said its air force and defence systems had intercepted several missiles and drones that had entered its airspace, for fear they would fall in its territory.
Responding to the most serious attack on Iran since the revolution in 1979, the country's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, threatened 'severe punishment' and claimed residential areas had been targeted.
The Iranian leadership vowed both a military and diplomatic response, saying women and children had been killed in the strikes across Iran.
It remains to be seen if Iran decides to attack US military sites in the Middle East, but its leaders are likely to believe that the Trump administration was not just aware of these strikes in advance, but covertly endorsed them. The US said it had not been involved in the attacks, but Tehran pointed both to Israeli officials stating the attack had been completely coordinated with the US, and that the Israeli air force is entirely dependent on US supplies.
In a furious statement, the Iranian government accused Israel of terrorism and insisted the attack demonstrated it 'does not adhere to any international rules or laws and, like a drunkard, openly and brazenly engages in terror and ignites the flames of war before the eyes of the world, including westerners who claim to uphold human rights and international law'.
'Starting a war with Iran is playing with the lion's tail,' the statement added.
In a telling warning that the Iranian regime, if it survives, may now indeed feel the need to try to assemble a nuclear bomb in the face of Israel's attacks, the statement further said: 'The world now better understands Iran's insistence on the right to enrichment, nuclear technology and missile power, and the enemy has made it possible to prove our injustice and righteousness, who is the aggressor and which regime is threatening the security of the region.'
Among those killed by Israeli strikes were Gen Hossein Salami, the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Guards Gen Gholamali Rashid, a senior Revolutionary Guards commander, the nuclear scientist Mohammad Mehdi Tehranchi and Fereydoun Abbasi, the former head of the Atomic Energy Organization.
Residential buildings across Tehran were hit. Pictures showed that specific floors on high-rise apartments were struck, but the damage had spread to many different floors.
Army barracks across the country appear to have been hit, with reports trickling in of deaths and damage. But Isfahan regional governors said there had been no leakage of uranium from the Natanz nuclear facility. No electricity or oil installations were struck, but Israel may well return to hit economic targets in the coming days, depending on any Iranian response.
Iran, aware that the savage blow to its prestige may lead to some form of uprising, urged its citizens only to listen to official channels, and ignore rumours. The foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, had been in Oslo with other Arab ministers for a security conference and had been looking towards Oman-brokered talks on Sunday with the US special envoy Steve Witkoff.
The planned sixth round of talks, the first in which both sides had put forward proposals in writing, were to focus on whether Iran would be allowed to continue domestic uranium enrichment with monitoring by the UN nuclear watchdog the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
Iran insists it did not have a covert plan to build a nuclear bomb, but all signatories to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty including Iran have a sovereign right to enrich uranium for civilian purposes.
It points out that the comprehensive report put to the IAEA board this week showed no evidence that Iran was close to building a nuclear weapon. The report did say it could not be certain that the nuclear programme was entirely civilian in purpose. Tehran has consistently argued that its increased stockpiles of highly-enriched uranium was a calculated and legitimate response to Donald Trump unilaterally withdrawing in 2018 from the nuclear deal agreed with Barack Obama three years earlier and imposing economic sanctions.
The highly experienced Iranian negotiating team were aware that Israel was increasingly worried that Trump, facing an open war for his ear on Iran in Washington, might strike an unsatisfactory deal with Iran. But the consensus among Arab diplomats was that Trump was sincere in saying he did not want Israel to strike, and that he would allow the bilateral US-Iran talks to play out before permitting any Israeli action.
The belief among Iranian negotiators that they had further time before Trump implicitly or explicitly sanctioned military action looks, in retrospect, to have been a severe error. But the right to enrich has been an Iranian red line for decades, and they will reject the accusation they overplayed a weak hand.
Moreover, Iranian diplomats had been led to believe initially that the US would permit Iran to continue some form of uranium enrichment, but had been struggling to convert that belief into a specific American offer in the talks held in Oman and Rome. Iran will now have to reflect whether it was being played by the US negotiators, or whether Israel has the freedom of action to mount such an assault without a green light from Washington.
To many Iranian eyes, despite the reports that Trump was distancing himself from Israel, there is little that Trump has done in practice since taking office to restrain Israel either in Gaza or across the region.
Araghchi, for instance, said on 23 April: 'The attempts by the Israeli regime and certain special interest groups to derail diplomacy – using variety of tactics – is abundantly clear for all to see. Our security services are on high alert.'
Iran's air defences have proved ineffective, partly due to the previous airstrikes launched on Iran by Israel in October that took out Russian-made air defence systems, including around its nuclear sites.
One of the few cards Iran has to play is that in recent months, it has managed to improve its fractured relations with Arab states in the region, even though its policy of forward defence based on proxy groups in Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, Yemen and Iraq was largely dismantled by Israel. But the valued Gulf state sympathy for Iran is not likely to extend to joint military action against Israel.

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