Nkabane's dismissal shows performance is finally being prioritised
Dr Nobuhle Nkabane at the official launch of the National Skills Fund (NSF) Disabilities Programme Phase I at Blind SA. (Photo by Gallo Images/Fani Mahuntsi)
There was little surprise this week when President Cyril Ramaphosa fired higher education and training minister Nobuhle Nkabane as her position became untenable.
She misled parliament in a portfolio committee regarding the appointments of the Sector Education and Training Authority board.
Her short stint at the helm of one of the most complex and politically sensitive portfolios was also marred by administrative missteps, a breakdown in communication with key stakeholders, and a failure to provide clear, strategic leadership during a critical time for the sector.
While Cabinet reshuffles often raise questions about internal party dynamics, this decision appears to have been driven by performance and public outcry, rather than politics.
Nkabane inherited a department already under immense strain. South Africa's higher education sector faces a multitude of challenges: from underfunding and student debt to overcrowded institutions and a widening gap between education and employment.
ALSO READ: Why the ANC remains a safe haven for corruption
Rather than stepping into the role with decisiveness and clarity, Nkabane struggled to manage the operational demands of the department. Her most notable failure was her mishandling of the crisis surrounding the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (Nsfas).
The rollout of a new direct payment system, using third-party service providers, led to widespread delays, disbursement errors, and student protests across the country.
Despite repeated warnings from student unions and technical experts, the department failed to take corrective action or adequately communicate with affected students.
Nkabane's public appearances during this period often came across as defensive, reinforcing perceptions that she was out of depth.
Compounding the Nsfas debacle was a broader failure to engage constructively with the very stakeholders she was meant to lead. Student organisations such as the South African Union of Students accused her of ignoring urgent meeting requests during protest actions.
ALSO READ: Parliament concludes Seta panel never existed
Several university vice-chancellors also reported difficulty engaging with her office on campus safety, infrastructure development and funding allocations.
At a time when decisive leadership and open communication were essential, Nkabane remained inaccessible and silent, allowing tensions to escalate on campuses.
Perhaps most telling, however, was her inability to articulate a long-term vision for the department. Her public addresses were laced with vague commitments to transformation and inclusion, but these sentiments were rarely backed by concrete policy or institutional reform.
No significant advances were made in addressing curriculum reform, expanding digital access, or tackling the mismatch between higher education output and labour market needs. Her leadership simply did not inspire confidence.
In contrast, the promotion of Buti Manamela to the ministerial position represents a return to experience and substance. Having served as deputy minister for several years, Manamela has built a solid reputation for being hands-on, accessible and knowledgeable.
ALSO READ: Five things you need to know about the new higher education minister Buti Manamela
Ramaphosa's decision to remove Nkabane and elevate Manamela should be viewed as more than a political adjustment – it is a statement about the value of competence in public office.
For far too long, Cabinet appointments have been seen as rewards for loyalty rather than results. In this instance, the move suggests a growing recognition that performance must take precedence, especially in departments that impact millions of young South Africans and the future of the country's economy.
While this shift is welcome, it must not stop here. The education sector requires leadership that is responsive, accountable and visionary.
In firing Nkabane and promoting Manamela, Ramaphosa has taken a step towards restoring integrity and functionality in higher education.
The hope now is that this signals the beginning of a broader commitment to putting the right people in the right places – for the right reasons.
NOW READ: 'Long overdue' – Opposition parties welcome Nkabane's removal
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
an hour ago
- IOL News
From Alliance to Independence: The SACP's Path Forward to Reclaim Revolutionary Integrity
Newly elected secretary general of South African Communist Party (SACP) Chris Hani (left)) and former secretary general Joe Slovo (right) walk together after addressing the media on the third day of the first SACP legal congress inside South Africa in 41 years, in Soweto on December 07, 1991. Image: WALTER DHLADHLA / AFP Dr. Reneva Fourie The South African Communist Party's celebration of its 104th anniversary, from 30 July to 1 August, occurs at a groundbreaking moment in its history. Its decision to contest elections independently is not merely a tactical adjustment. This decision reflects a sober assessment of the country's political realities and is a necessary response to the multiple crises affecting it. The original basis of the Alliance – currently comprised of the ANC, SACP, COSATU and SANCO – rested on the shared understanding that racial oppression, patriarchy and class exploitation were intertwined. National liberation, as envisaged in the Freedom Charter, was viewed as a prerequisite for the socialist transformation of society. The Alliance was a strategic vehicle for mass mobilisation towards this shared vision. But alliances, as Lenin reminded us, are historical constructs that must serve a revolutionary purpose and require constant re-evaluation. Since 1994, South Africa has undergone a political transition without an economic transformation. The commanding heights of the economy remain in the hands of monopoly capital. The post-apartheid state inherited the formal architecture of democracy while leaving the structures of capitalist accumulation intact. The ANC-led government primarily embraced neoliberal macroeconomic policies that prioritised global capital over national interests, limiting the state's ability to effectively promote development for the benefit of South Africans. The result has been the reproduction of mass poverty, unemployment, inequality and crime. These structural failures have fuelled disillusionment with the liberation movement. The working class, once a leading force for change, is now largely excluded from real political influence. Within the Alliance, the SACP's influence has diminished as the ANC has come to be dominated by opportunist strata, many of whom entered the movement after 1990 to pursue private enrichment. This process has weakened the ANC's historical identity and transformed it into an increasingly bourgeois formation. Joe Slovo warned of such a development. In his essay Has Socialism Failed?, he highlighted the danger of bureaucratisation and class compromise in liberation movements that enter state power without altering the material foundations of oppression. The rise of patronage, corruption and internal factionalism within the ANC has vindicated this analysis. The dissolution of the National Party and absorption of its members, along with those of apartheid-era institutions, further diluted the ANC's progressive character. The working class has borne the brunt of this degeneration. Local government has become a site of elite contestation rather than a means of popular empowerment. Service delivery failures and corruption have alienated communities, while the voices of the poor are increasingly marginalised in national policy discourse. Electoral politics have shifted in favour of well-financed capitalist parties, many of which receive external support from Western-aligned foundations and donors. Much of the media, aligned with elite interests, has played a key role in shaping narratives that delegitimise the liberation movement while promoting the opposition. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The 2024 general election confirmed this trend. Although the ANC retained the largest share of votes, it fell below 50 per cent and entered a Government of National Unity with the Democratic Alliance. This decision was not the result of democratic will, but rather a response to pressure from capital and foreign interests. The DA's connection to imperialist institutions and its role in advancing neoliberal orthodoxy are well documented. The GNU represents a class project aimed at restoring the full dominance of capital and undermining the last remnants of transformative policy within the state. Faced with this reality, the SACP cannot remain confined to a subordinate role within the Alliance. The decision to contest elections independently is rooted in Leninist strategy. For Lenin, participation in bourgeois institutions was a method for revolutionary agitation and exposure, not an endorsement of the system. The Party's presence in elections is, therefore, a means to assert working-class interests, build political clarity, and offer an alternative pole of power. It is not an abandonment of the ANC, but a necessary correction to restore the movement's revolutionary integrity. The SACP has also advanced the idea of a Left Popular Front. This formation, rooted in the Marxist concept of the united front, seeks to bring together trade unions, community movements and progressive organisations around a common minimum programme. The goal is to build a mass-based movement capable of resisting neoliberalism and advancing a socialist alternative. At the same time, the SACP continues to support the reconfiguration of the Alliance. This reconfiguration must involve democratic engagement, strategic coordination and mutual accountability. It cannot remain an informal arrangement in which the ANC monopolises decision-making. The Alliance must be restructured to reflect the balance of forces within society and the need for a socialist orientation to the National Democratic Revolution. The SACP's role within the Alliance must be recognised not only symbolically, but in the structural transformation of the economy. The pursuit of electoral independence and the building of a Left Popular Front are not contradictory. Both are responses to the changing material conditions of post-apartheid South Africa. The class character of the state has not shifted adequately. Racism, patriarchy and tribalism remain embedded in society. The transition to political democracy was a moment of historical importance, but without economic liberation, it remains incomplete. The second, more radical phase of the revolution demands bold and decisive leadership. The SACP has the historical legitimacy, ideological clarity and organisational roots to lead this phase. Its tradition of struggle, rooted in the working class, positions it to reclaim the revolutionary mandate of the liberation movement. The Party must now deepen its presence in communities, expand its cadre base, and develop the organisational capacity required to contest and exercise power. The ultimate aim is not merely parliamentary presence, but the creation of a socialist society in which all South Africans benefit from the country's wealth. The working class cannot afford further delay. The crisis of capitalism is sharpening. Forces opposed to economic justice are advancing ideologically and institutionally. The SACP must step forward as a unifying agent for the working-class struggle. In asserting its independence, the SACP is laying the foundations for a new phase of revolutionary advancement. * Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Citizen
3 hours ago
- The Citizen
Liberation movements fighting for survival and new injustices
Southern Africa's liberation movements gathered in Kempton Park this weekend for a summit to discuss the state of their parties. Political bodies that helped create an independent region celebrated their shared accomplishments this weekend, all while brainstorming ideas on how to spark a fire in the next generation. Leaders from across southern Africa gathered at the Radisson Convention Centre in Kempton Park for the Liberation Movements Summit 2025 from Friday. The meeting will conclude on Monday, after which the delegations will share the insights they have gathered. 'A homecoming' Hosted by the ANC, other liberation parties included Zimbabwe's Zanu-PF, Mozambique's Frelimo, Namibia's Swapo, Angola's MPLA and Tanzania's Chama Cha Mapinduzi. A delegation from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was also present, as were representatives of the Palestinian people. ANC President Cyril Ramaphosa praised the dignitaries for their roles in anti-apartheid and anti-colonialist struggles, but said the new fight was for social and economic justice. 'The Liberation Movement Summit is more than a conference; it is what one would call a homecoming. 'It is a convocation of liberation movements rooted in shared histories of struggle bound by a tradition of resistance and united in a future that demands memory, imagination, boldness and bravery,' said Ramaphosa. 'Must remain emboldened' Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa said there were still external forces that were working to 'fragment' the goals of liberation. 'The infrastructure that denied us democracy and independence has mutated and expresses itself in numerous forms. 'These include, through the interference of internal affairs of our parties and governments, sabotage of our economies and, at worst, covert support of conflict and war in our jurisdictions,' said the Zanu-PF leader. He said the liberation movement must be 'robust' in pursuing its goal and not allow itself to fade away. 'We must remain emboldened by our rich liberation history, which is our greatest teacher. The millions of people who look to liberation movements with hope for a better tomorrow should be a source of inspiration for us,' said Mnangagwa Chinese collaboration Sunday's session concluded with former President Thabo Mbeki receiving a large portrait of himself, after the regional dignitaries had delivered their addresses. Former Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano chastised the gathering for losing focus, while SWAPO leader Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah called corruption a 'cancer' that would 'bury' the parties and their objectives if not dealt with. Other key delegates included Frelimo President Daniel Chapo, MPLA Deputy President Mara Quiosa and former Tanzanian Prime Minister Mzengo Pinda. Also speaking on Sunday was China's minister of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, Liu Jianchao, who outlined China's growing collaboration with the African region. 'One accomplishes oneself by helping others succeed. China strives to support Africa and our fellow developing countries. In the face of rising protectionism, China has continued to open further and share development opportunities with the rest of the world.' 'China's modernisation proves that modernisation does not equal westernisation,' concluded Jianchao. NOW READ: Does Africa still need liberation parties?
The Citizen
5 hours ago
- The Citizen
The DA is failing dismally
Every passing week brings a new reversal for the DA. Party leader John Steenhuisen has misjudged every single power play made by the ANC. The DA performed much better as the official opposition than it did in its self-appointed role as the party that would galvanise the government of national unity (GNU). The same is true of its leader, John Steenhuisen. Its ministers have executed their duties with a zeal that puts their ANC counterparts to shame. But its larger strategy has fallen flat. The DA believed this link-up for the greater good with its former foe was a prerequisite for achieving the economic lift-off that would drag in its slipstream a fleet of benefits, such as revitalised institutions. It is self-evident that nothing like that has happened. ALSO READ: Steenhuisen has made a bad situation worse with tactical blunders Instead, the DA has been house-trained by the ANC. It barks furiously and still strains at the leash on occasion, but it will sit up and beg on President Cyril Ramaphosa's command. While I don't share the disdain of many journalists for Steenhuisen, some of the criticism is deserved. As DA leader, he has misjudged every single power play made by the ANC, from accepting a poor partnership deal at the outset to being goaded into making meaningless threats that he has been forced to back off from. Every passing week brings a new reversal for the DA. This week, its support ensured that the Appropriation Bill for all government departments was passed at its first reading. It's about as complete a climbdown as can be imagined for a party that had threatened to block the Bill. The plan had been that this would be the DA riposte to Ramaphosa's sudden firing of the DA's Andrew Whitfield, Steenhuisen had been incandescent. 'If this situation is not corrected, it will go down as the greatest political mistake in modern SA history,' he warned parliament. On the face of it, it was a brilliantly simple move. The DA would counter the ANC by singling out only departments headed by ministers implicated in corruption. ALSO READ: Steenhuisen warned of 'insubordination' over national dialogue stance Unless Ramaphosa sacked those ministers within 48 hours, the DA would join the uMkhonto weSizwe party and the department of economic development in voting down their departmental budgets, thus stymying the passage of the Appropriation Bill. The DA, said Steenhuisen, would vote against the departmental budgets of Nobuhle Nkabane (higher education), Thembi Simelane (human settlements) and 'corruption-accused ANC ministers'. The DA would also withdraw from the National Dialogue, no doubt the DA was chortling at its genius. At least three 'compromised' ANC politicians would bite the dust and the DA would be perceived to be guardians of governmental integrity. It didn't work out quite like that. Ramaphosa did indeed fire Nkabane, but it had more to do with ANC self-interest than the DA ultimatum. She was already fatally politically wounded and facing cross-party, including ANC, sanctions from the parliamentary ethics committee. ALSO READ: 'Long overdue' – Opposition parties welcome Nkabane's removal And in a real up-yours, Ramaphosa didn't fire any of the other DA-named ministers. This turned out to be just another dismally misjudged power play by Steenhuisen. But Steenhuisen has hinted that he has one card to play: proposing a motion of no confidence. This would not mean a general election – constitutionally, the earliest this could happen is in 2027 – but if it succeeded, Ramaphosa would have to resign. In that kind of scramble, because the ANC is so deeply divided, the DA could, at last, influence the direction of the state by choosing the person at the top, rather than merely lending the party their votes. It's time for the DA to etch a steely red line. READ NEXT: 'Right-wing nexus': Presidency cautions South Africans against the DA
