Intra-college phase schedule of DOST notified
A communiqué from TGCHE on Monday stated that the Intra-College Phase schedule for DOST-2025-26 will begin on July 9. Accordingly, the web options for the Intra-College Phase will be available from July 9 to 10. The publication of available seats for the Intra-College Phase will be released on July 11.
Candidates from Phases I, II, and III who have confirmed their seats in their allotted colleges will be eligible for participation in the Intra-College Phase, as stated in the announcement.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
News18
a day ago
- News18
Gilgit-Baltistan: A New Uprising In Pakistan's ‘Last Colony' Against Oppressive Rule
Last Updated: For decades, GB has sought autonomy, political representation, and development aligned with local needs and ambitions, but has faced growing neglect and exploitation from Pakistan A fresh wave of resistance against the Pakistani state's illegal occupation of the region is being witnessed in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). The local traders and business community of GB have launched a movement to oppose trade and travel between Pakistan and China via the Khunjerab Pass. This latest protest is the outcome of the relentlessly exploitative economic and political conditions imposed on GB by the Pakistani state. The protest by the traders has come close on the heels of a mass movement by the local residents of GB against the controversial Land Reforms Act, 2025, passed on May 21. For the last four weeks, traders have been continuing with a sit-in at the Karakoram Highway, bringing the region to a standstill. They are demanding recognition of local interests by Islamabad as well as its accountability. To understand GB's tumultuous relationship with Islamabad, it is important to look at the history of this asymmetric and oppressive power dynamic, which continues to disenfranchise, marginalise, and politically erase the identity, aspirations, and future of the people of this region. According to the US-based Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), Pakistan has treated GB more as a colony rather than as part of the federation. 'The region has long been regarded by Pakistan not as a cherished part of the federation, but as a distant and burdensome periphery. Successive governments have turned a blind eye to the fundamental needs of the humble inhabitants of Gilgit-Baltistan, relegating the region to an ad hoc governance framework administered from afar—governed not by participatory laws, but by decrees handed down from Islamabad," says a recent MEMRI report. The origins of this injustice lie in the 1949 Karachi Agreement. Under this 'agreement", the control of GB (then called Northern Areas) was transferred from Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) to Islamabad without any representative from the region. Since then, Islamabad has directly ruled GB through the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, using the draconian colonial-era Frontier Crimes Regulation. Its constitutional status remains in limbo as Pakistan has tried to use it to build another false narrative by linking it to the resolution of the Kashmir issue with India. But to deal with growing frustration among the local residents, it introduced limited self-governance reforms to the region, renaming it 'Gilgit and Baltistan' in 2009. However, this move was exposed as hollow; right from the beginning, the GB assembly was systematically populated by 'compliant figureheads or puppets, rather than leaders who dared to interpret their roles with independence and purpose," as emphasised in the MEMRI analysis. For decades, GB has sought autonomy, political representation, and development aligned with local needs and aspirations, but instead has faced growing neglect and exploitative policies from Pakistan. The Pakistani magazine Herald once described Gilgit-Baltistan as Pakistan's 'last colony", a phrase that aptly reflects Islamabad's governing attitude toward the region. Very recently, GB was engulfed in massive demonstrations against the forcibly passed Land Reforms Act, 2025. This legislation was opposed by the people, as it would enable land grabs by Punjabi landlords and the Pakistani military, displace the local population, and exploit natural resources. This law would also intensify military control. As GB is the only region under Pakistan's occupation that has a Shia and Ismaili majority, Islamabad has also undertaken a systematic campaign of altering the demography by opening up the region to outsiders. Now, fed up with increasing federal taxes and deliberate obstacles to local trade, GB traders—backed by a host of local political parties and religious groups—have sustained a resilient sit-in at Sost. This powerful show of solidarity and demand for justice compelled Chief Minister Haji Gulbar Khan and Governor Mehdi Shah to seek federal intervention, leading to the formation of a federal committee to make recommendations for the issue's resolution. The protestors' demands are simple: exemption from income, sales, and other federal taxes on commodities imported from China through the Khunjerab Pass—deemed illegal by traders considering GB's lack of constitutional status—and urgent customs clearance for 280 consignments stuck at Sost Dry Port under a one-time amnesty scheme. Ironically, while Gilgit-Baltistan is considered to be geographically very significant for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Islamabad's treatment of local traders sends a clear message that it is least bothered about the interests of the local population and is only interested in exploiting the strategic position and resources of the region. All routes connecting Pakistan to China, including the critical Karakoram Highway, pass through GB, which should ideally have brought more economic opportunities for the local population. However, in contrast, it has resulted in increased Chinese military presence. This reinforces the fact that Pakistan follows the template of exploiting the region while keeping the people underdeveloped. If the locals dare to express their aspirations, they are handled brutally by the Pakistani military and its death squads. Therefore, the traders' blockade in GB represents more than an economic conflict—it is the roar of a voice silenced for decades from a region long suffering under the thumb of Islamabad's colonial and oppressive policies. The writer is an author and columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Click here to add News18 as your preferred news source on Google. tags : China Kashmir pakistan view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 16, 2025, 22:02 IST News opinion Global Watch | Gilgit-Baltistan: A New Uprising In Pakistan's 'Last Colony' Against Oppressive Rule Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Indian Express
a day ago
- Indian Express
Centre set to table Jan Vishwas 2.0 in Lok Sabha: First-time offenders to get ‘Improvement Notice', not penalty
The Centre is set to introduce the Jan Vishwas Bill (Amendment of Provisions) Bill, 2025 in Lok Sabha Monday, which among dozens of changes in various laws will have a new concept of 'improvement notice' instead of penalty for first offence, The Indian Express has learnt. The Bill, cleared by the Union Cabinet earlier this week, is aimed at amending certain enactments for decriminalising and rationalising offences to enhance trust-based governance for ease of living and doing business. In her Budget speech on February 1, 2025, Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman had promised to bring in Jan Vishwas 2.0. 'In the Jan Vishwas Act 2023, more than 180 legal provisions were decriminalised. Our government will now bring up the Jan Vishwas Bill 2.0 to decriminalise more than 100 provisions in various laws,' she had said. In the proposed Bill, it is learnt that a new provision has been added to define the 'improvement notice' and to make it applicable to multiple sections. This marks a shift from the 'penalise on first detection' approach of Jan Vishwas 1.0 (enacted into law in 2023) to an 'inform–correct–penalise' model in Jan Vishwas 2.0 (the 2025 Bill) and aligns with the government's objective of promoting ease of doing business and trust-based regulation, while maintaining deterrence for repeated violations, said a source. As per the proposed amendments, no penalty will be imposed for first offence and an improvement notice will be served instead, giving an opportunity to rectify the non-compliance within a stipulated period, it is learnt. Penalties apply from second offence onwards, and the amount will be the same as it was for first offence in Jan Vishwas 1.0. Fines will increase for subsequent offences, subject to a maximum cap depending on the Sections. This structure retains full decriminalisation while adding a formal improvement notice mechanism to encourage voluntary compliance before financial sanctions are applied, thereby reducing fear of punitive action for minor, unintentional mistakes, said a source. In his Independence Day speech Friday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, 'In our country, there are such laws that can put people in jail for very small things — you would be shocked. No one has really paid attention to them. I have been pursuing this, because these unnecessary laws that put our country's citizens behind bars should be abolished. We had introduced a Bill in Parliament earlier, and we have brought it again this time.' Earlier the government had enacted the Jan Vishwas (Amendment of Provisions) Act, 2023, to decriminalise several offences under various laws. For instance, Section 41 of the Food Corporations Act, 1964 was omitted by the Act. As per the original provisions of Section 41, the use of FCI's name in any prospectus or advertisement without its consent in writing, was punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months, or with fine which may go up to Rs 1,000, or both. However, it was removed by the Jan Vishwas Act. Similarly, the provision of imprisonment up to 6 months was removed from the Section 33 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927 for tree felling or damage caused by cattle in protected forests, and Rs 500 fine was kept.
India Today
a day ago
- India Today
Delhi government enforces private school fee rules for 1,700 schools
The Delhi government has extended fee regulation to all 1,700 private schools in the state, introducing provisions that give parents a direct role in approving fee hikes. Education Minister Ashish Sood announced the changes on Friday during a 'Parents' Town Hall' in Janakpuri, underlining the government's aim to make school fee structures more transparent and Delhi School Education (Transparency in Fixation and Regulation of Fees) Bill, 2025, which was passed in the Monsoon Session of the Assembly, is designed to prevent arbitrary increases and standardise the fee-setting only 300 schools were covered under the 1973 rules. 'Now, all private schools in Delhi will come under the ambit of fee regulation,' Sood said. Under the new law, school-level committees comprising parents, teachers, school management, and government representatives will assess and approve fee will also have the power to veto any increase they consider unjustified. District-level committees will review decisions by July 30, and final approvals must be issued by September. If a decision is delayed beyond 45 days, the matter can be escalated to an appellate for non-compliance have been defined in clear terms. Schools that raise fees without government approval will face fines between Rs 1 lakh and Rs 10 lakh. If excess charges are not refunded, penalties will minister stressed that the law is meant to curb the commercialisation of education and protect students' interests. He pointed out that past governments had failed to establish a transparent mechanism, leaving parents vulnerable to arbitrary fee to Sood, many families opted for private schools due to the state of government-run schools, which suffered from infrastructure gaps and resource involving parents directly and setting strict deadlines and penalties, the government intends to ensure that fee hikes are reasonable and this move, Delhi has positioned itself as one of the first cities in the country to bring all private schools under a comprehensive fee regulation framework, signalling a shift towards accountability and parental oversight in school administration.- Ends
