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How Qatar defused Iran's attack on the largest US-run base in the region

How Qatar defused Iran's attack on the largest US-run base in the region

Egypt Independent10 hours ago

CNN — Top Qatari officials had been meeting with the country's prime minister on Monday afternoon to find ways of de-escalating a
Top Qatari officials had been meeting with the country's prime minister on Monday afternoon to find ways of de-escalating a conflict between Iran and Israel , when defense ministry personnel called to warn of incoming Iranian missiles.
The attack, the first on the Gulf, caught them by surprise, according to Qatar's foreign ministry spokesperson Majed Al-Ansari, who recalls feeling the prime minister's residence shake with the interceptions that quickly followed overhead.
Unease had gripped the Gulf Arab states that morning. The glitzy, oil-rich capitals feared a worst-case scenario: an Iranian missile strike shattering their image of stability after 12 days of war between Israel and Iran, which had culminated in a series of US strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities.
Bahrain, where the US Naval Command is located, told residents not to use main roads and Kuwait, which hosts several US military bases, activated shelters in ministerial complexes. In nearby Dubai and Abu Dhabi, some residents were booking early flights out and others stocking up on supplies.
In Doha, nervous residents were on high alert. US and UK citizens in the country had been told to seek shelter and American military personnel had been evacuated from the US-run Al Udeid Base.
Qatar's early warning military radar system, one of the most advanced in the region, and intelligence gathered indicated that Iranian missile batteries had moved toward Qatar earlier that day, the spokesperson said – but nothing was certain until shortly before the strikes.
'It could've been misdirected to lead us away from the actual target. There was still a lot of targets in the region…but towards the end it was very clear, their missile systems were hot and we had a very clear idea an hour before the attack, Al Udeid Base was going to be targeted,' a Qatari official with knowledge of defense operations said.
Responding to the attack
Around 7 p.m. local time, Qatari officials were informed by their military that Iran's missiles were airborne and heading towards Al Udeid base, Al-Ansari said.
Qatar's armed forces deployed 300 service members and activated multiple Qatari Patriot anti-air missile batteries across two sites to counter the 19 Iranian missiles roaring toward the country, according to Al-Ansari. US President Donald Trump has said that 14 missiles were fired from Iran.
Qatari forces coordinated closely with the US, but the operation was 'Qatari led,' Al-Ansari told CNN.
Seven missiles were intercepted over the Persian Gulf before reaching Qatari soil, he said. Another 11 were intercepted over Doha without causing damage and one landed in an uninhabited area of the base causing minimal damage.
In this frame-grab made from video, missiles and air-defense interceptors illuminate the night sky over Doha after Iran launched an attack on US forces at Al Udeid Air Base on June 23 in Doha, Qatar.
Getty Images
According to Trump, Iran had given the US early notice ahead of the attack. While Doha received intel from Washington, it did not receive any warning directly from the Iranians, according to Al-Ansari – though officials were well aware that the US bases in the region could be targeted.
'The Iranians told us months ago … if there was an attack by the US on Iranian soil that would make bases hosting American forces in the region legitimate targets,' Al-Ansari said.
Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said that warning was reiterated to his Gulf counterparts in an Istanbul meeting a day before Iranian strikes on Qatar.
Iran's National Security Council said after the intercepted attack that its strikes had posed 'no dangerous aspect to our friendly and brotherly country of Qatar and its noble people.'
Still, Al-Ansari rejects speculation that Qatar – given its working relationship with Tehran – might have given a greenlight for the strikes in order to create an off-ramp for regional escalation.
'We do not take it lightly for our country to be attacked by missiles from any side and we would never do that as part of political posturing or a game in the region,' he said.
'We would not put our people in the line of danger. I would not put my daughter under missiles coming from the sky just to come out with a political outcome. This was a complete surprise to us,' Ansari said.
A ceasefire quickly follows
In the moments after the attack, Trump called Qatar's Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani telling him the Israelis were willing to agree to a ceasefire and asked him to do the same for the Iranians, according to Al-Ansari.
'As we were discussing how to retaliate to this attack … this is when we get a call from the United States that a possible ceasefire, a possible avenue to regional security had opened,' Ansari said.
Doha's role as mediator quickly became key in the aftermath of the strikes. Qatar's chief negotiator Mohammed bin Abdulaziz Al-Khulaifi spoke to the Iranians while the Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani was speaking to US Vice President JD Vance. Soon, 'we were able to secure a deal,' Al-Ansaris says – and in the nick of time.
'All options were on the table that night … we could have immediately retaliated or pulled back and say we're not talking to a country that sent 19 missiles our way. But we also realized that was a moment that could create momentum for peace in a region that hasn't been there for two years now,' Ansari said.
Shortly after, Trump declared on social media that a ceasefire between Iran and Israel had been brokered.

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Zahrān Mamdani's win in New York Primary sparks debate on Democratic Party's future
Zahrān Mamdani's win in New York Primary sparks debate on Democratic Party's future

Daily News Egypt

timean hour ago

  • Daily News Egypt

Zahrān Mamdani's win in New York Primary sparks debate on Democratic Party's future

The victory of American politician Zahrān Mamdani in the Democratic primary for Mayor of New York has ignited a wide-ranging debate in the United States, with its aftershocks felt across the country. US President Donald Trump, on his platform Truth Social, described Mamdani as an 'obsessed communist,' while the New York Young Republican Club called on the federal government to strip him of his citizenship, which he obtained in 2018, and deport him from the country. Even within the Democratic Party, reactions to Mamdani's win have been divided. While some members expressed their support, others voiced concern, echoing Trump in calling him an 'extremist.' Mamdani's victory comes at a time when the Democratic Party is facing sharp internal divisions, the resignations of prominent union figures, and a struggle to cope with mounting political and economic pressures. His rise coincides with the growing activity of youth and progressive movements, such as 'Leaders We Deserve,' which are playing a pivotal role in supporting progressive candidates at local and national levels. This trend is causing increasing anxiety within the Democratic establishment, which fears losing its grip on the political landscape. A Shift in the Democratic Party Mamdani, 33, has emerged as a new voice demanding a bold socialist platform focused on the cost-of-living and rent crisis, the establishment of municipally-owned grocery stores, the provision of free buses, and increased taxes on the wealthy in New York City. His win was a surprise to political circles, not only because he ran an eight-month campaign against a traditional party icon from an established political dynasty—Andrew Cuomo, the city's former governor and son of former governor Mario Cuomo—but also because the results defied polling predictions. 'This is not an individual victory but a sign of a broader shift in the Democratic Party, especially in major cities,' Robert Patillo, a human rights lawyer and former Democratic congressional candidate, told Asharq. He noted, 'As the Republican Party moves to the far right under Trump's leadership, the Democratic Party is also being compelled to adopt bold leftist positions that satisfy a base that now votes out of necessity, not hesitation.' Patillo questioned the methodology of opinion polls, saying they 'are still stuck in the methods and methodologies of the 80s and 90s, and have repeatedly failed to predict recent election results, from Trump's victory to Kamala Harris's loss.' At the same time, Patillo noted that 'many of Mamdani's supporters, especially young white university students and those from diverse backgrounds, preferred not to state their leanings in the polls for fear of being marginalised or questioned, but they expressed themselves forcefully at the ballot box.' He added: 'These voters are no longer satisfied with minor policy adjustments; they are demanding real leaps and a sharp change in the political system's structure, having grown weary of a bland moderation presented under centrist slogans to adapt to Trump's policies.' 'A Bold Message and a Successful Campaign' Democratic opinions on Mamdani's platform were split. Democratic lawyer Allen Awour endorsed it, telling Asharq that his victory represents 'an alarm bell' within the party. He noted that Mamdani 'led a campaign expressing radical change, with a youthful personality, a bold progressive message, and a platform that challenges the prevailing discourse on housing and taxes, proposing policies that serve the working class and not just traditional interests.' In contrast, Matt Bennett, Vice President of the centre-left group Third Way, criticised Mamdani's platform. He told Asharq that Mamdani 'did not win because he adopted a far-left platform, but because he exploited an opportune political moment and ran a smart campaign.' He warned, 'If the Democratic Party focuses on Mamdani's relatable style without adopting his controversial leftist policies, it might benefit. But generalising this leftist approach could harm the party in moderate areas outside of New York.' Bennett continued that the significance of Mamdani's primary win 'lies not in his political platform, but in the way he ran his campaign.' 'Mamdani is a charismatic young man who focused on the economic issues that matter to voters and succeeded in effectively delivering his message,' he added, viewing this approach as 'a strength.' However, he considers the platform's substance, which embraces democratic socialist positions, to be 'problematic for the party in the long run.' Bennett believes the electoral context played a 'decisive role' in this victory, explaining that the election took place in New York City, one of the most liberal cities in the United States, and during June, when high temperatures reduced voter turnout. He also attributed Mamdani's win, in part, to his opponent Andrew Cuomo, saying he 'was burdened by a political legacy heavy with scandals, which made him a weak candidate against a figure presenting himself as the pure and bold alternative.' Cuomo resigned from his post in 2021 over allegations of 'sexual harassment.' Democratic Criticisms After 93% of precincts had reported, showing Mamdani with 44% of the vote, Cuomo conceded defeat. 'He earned it. He won,' Cuomo said. Mamdani was born and raised in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. At the age of seven, he moved to New York City with his father, Mahmood Mamdani, a political science professor at Columbia University, and his mother, filmmaker Mira Nair. A young Muslim of Indian descent, Mamdani primarily expressed his political views through long posts on Facebook. At Bowdoin College, where he earned a bachelor's degree in Africana Studies, Mamdani co-founded the first chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine. He has recently faced criticism for his views on Israel and for describing the events in Gaza as 'genocide.' He has been accused of 'antisemitism,' a charge he rejects. Mamdani worked as a housing counselor specialising in foreclosure prevention, helping low-income, non-white residents in Queens resist eviction and stay in their homes, which explains his mayoral platform's focus on freezing rents. In 2020, Mamdani won the Democratic primary and became a member of the New York State Assembly for the 36th district in Astoria, becoming the third Muslim to hold this position. During his time in the State Assembly, Mamdani went on a hunger strike with taxi drivers to alleviate about $450m of their debt and successfully launched a free bus pilot project. Upon winning the mayoral nomination, he promised to eliminate bus fares in the city. Mamdani has walked back some of his old positions, such as his call to defund the police. In the final primary debate, he said he does not plan to do so but affirmed his intention to review the tasks assigned to them. He has faced sharp criticism from his own Democratic camp in New York for his socialist platform and for saying he would 'impose a 2% income tax on New Yorkers earning more than a million dollars annually.' Laura Gillen, a congresswoman representing part of Long Island, described Mamdani as 'too extreme.' In a post on X, she said his entire campaign was 'built on unachievable promises and tax increases, which is the last thing New York needs.' Meanwhile, Congressman Tom Suozzi of Long Island, who endorsed Cuomo in the primary, said after Mamdani's win that he 'still has serious concerns about Mamdani.' Bennett, who served as a deputy assistant to the president for legislative affairs in the Bill Clinton White House, said Mamdani's weakness lies in his 'very bad leftist ideas.' Bennett pointed to Mamdani's previous statements about the police, whom he described as 'racist' and said 'should have their funding reduced.' He noted that this 'is concerning, and if he actually becomes mayor, the police reaction could be negative, and crime rates could rise, which could lead to real problems.' Bennett added that 'Mamdani's public spending plan, which relies on raising taxes on the wealthy and corporations, needs approval from officials in Albany,' where major state-level decisions are made. 'If these leaders reject his plan, it could put Mamdani in a real bind as mayor, because many of his campaign promises will become difficult to implement.' The predicament Bennett described has been noted by American newspapers, which compared Mamdani's attempt to become the youngest mayor at 33 to 'Boy Mayor' John Purroy Mitchel, who was elected mayor of New York in 1914 at the age of 34. Mitchel was a reformist Republican with ambitions similar to Mamdani's, focusing on fighting corruption, especially within the police and city administration. But after three years, he was crushed by John Francis Hylan, who was backed by the Democratic political machine Tammany Hall. Bennett did not rule out Mamdani meeting the same fate as Mitchel, saying that 'voters, city council members, and others will not support his extremist ideas.' However, Democratic lawyer Awour believes Mamdani is charting his own course with a platform focused on marginalised groups. His task now is to deliver on his promises. 'You can have the most ambitious agenda in the world, but you have to have the political ability to push it forward, so this will be the first real test of his political abilities to get it passed,' Awour said. The Language of the Internet Mamdani's ascent was by no means guaranteed, but with the help of tens of thousands of unpaid volunteers, he succeeded in mobilising young voters to achieve a surprise victory in the most populous city in the United States. Mamdani is fluent in the language of the internet and is constantly active on social media. He even met his wife, Syrian animator Rama Duwaji, on a dating app. His campaign relied on many online influencers who connected his campaign to New York's youth culture. Mamdani enlisted well-known figures from the worlds of music, fashion, and podcasting, which made his campaign more attractive and influential among young voters. Patillo said his appearances at cultural events and on social media shows helped him communicate his ideas in a simple and entertaining way, especially regarding the rent freeze and free transportation. On the 'Subway Takes' podcast, hosted by Kareem Rahma in the New York subway, Mamdani said he relied on donations from ordinary people and received more than $8m in individual contributions from 20,000 people—the same amount his rival Andrew Cuomo received from billionaire Michael Bloomberg. In addition to individual support, Mamdani also received backing from David Hogg, the recently departed deputy of the Democratic National Committee, who left his post after a growing dispute with Democrats over his announcement to allocate $20m of party funds to support young congressional candidates over older ones. His group, 'Leaders We Deserve,' supported the New York State Assemblyman. The New York Times reported that the group also donated $300,000 to a political action committee of the Working Families Party, which ranked Mamdani first on its list of endorsed candidates. Patillo said Mamdani's weak point will be his ability to raise funds to run against 'the millionaire and billionaire class, and the donor class.' He added that Cuomo, who has announced he will run as an independent in the November general election, 'because of his name, his organisational advantages, and his money, could still win even in this race.' But Patillo believes Mamdani's primary win sends a signal that the Democratic Party may finally be opening its doors to young leaders. 'Many prominent names in the Democratic leadership are leaving or becoming frail and unable to continue in their positions. Therefore, because they have left a power vacuum, you are seeing young voices being given the opportunity to rise,' he said. Patillo added that 'the next generation of leaders appear to be social media savvy, understand messaging, and have the energy to push their agenda.' Bennett agrees with Patillo that the Democratic Party needs young leadership. 'A young person winning against an older man always suggests that voters are looking for youth and vitality,' he said. Bennett added that Mamdani's victory suggests the party should look for candidates like him who can connect with new media in the way he used it so effectively, but he considered that 'it's not about his ideology, only his age and style.' The Centrist Wing's Position Weeks after momentum built around Zahrān Mamdani's campaign, Senator Bernie Sanders and progressive Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez endorsed him, but the party's centrist wing attacked him sharply. A month before the end of the New York City mayoral primary, candidate Jessica Ramos, a state senator from Queens, urged voters to cast their ballots for her rival, Andrew Cuomo. She justified this by saying she 'did not have a real chance of winning due to her poor performance in the polls and difficulty in fundraising,' and saw Cuomo as 'the most capable of confronting Trump's policies.' Ramos's position was a shock to many, especially since she had previously called for Cuomo's resignation over the harassment allegations. Ramos herself, despite being under 40, mocked Mamdani during a Democratic primary debate, saying: 'I regret not running for mayor of New York in 2021… I thought I needed more experience, but it turns out you just need to make good videos.' Ramos's opinion was similar to the reactions of the more pragmatic wing of the party, which considered Mamdani's win a 'serious setback' for the party. Lawrence Summers, former Treasury Secretary under President Barack Obama, warned of the impact of this victory on 'the future of the party and the country.' Patillo considered this a recurring pattern within the party of containing or sidelining rising progressive politicians, and Mamdani could face the same fate if he cannot prove his worth. 'The Democratic Party suffers from an internal division,' Patillo said. 'It brings together young progressive groups like African Americans, immigrants, and minority rights supporters, with more traditional groups from middle agricultural areas like farmers.' He explained that this diversity leads to constant tension over the party's direction, and progressive voices are often marginalised despite their rise. 'An Opportunity for Republicans' At the same time, Republicans see Mamdani's win in New York as an opportunity to strengthen their political presence in competitive districts by using his progressive platform to portray the Democratic Party as 'extremist.' This is what frightens Bennett most. 'There is a real danger that Republicans will use Mamdani's views and the views of socialists as a weapon against other Democrats,' he explained. Bennett confirmed that they have already started doing so. 'We are now seeing fundraising messages and statements coming from Republicans trying to link Mamdani to Democrats in other parts of New York state and across the country,' he said, adding, 'I think this poses a real problem.' Trump weighed in and fiercely attacked Mamdani for his primary win, calling him an 'obsessed communist' and saying his 'look is terrible, his voice is grating, and he's not smart enough,' viewing his rise as a 'defining moment in the country's history.' The New York 'Young Republican Club' also called on the federal government to strip Mamdani of his citizenship and deport him. Awour described this call as 'undemocratic and inhumane,' saying, 'Talk of revoking citizenship due to political differences is inappropriate' and 'would extend to everyone in New York City, including many of these young Republicans who may not be American by birth, or whose parents may be immigrants.' As for Patillo, he considered that the hope for changing the thinking of the Democratic Party, which is primarily concerned with winning, lies in Mamdani's ability to achieve tangible results such as improving the standard of living, reducing crime, and providing real services to the people. 'Then he will become a model to be emulated, and he may push the party to reconsider its positions on progressive politicians,' he said. 'Success in America's political arena always tends to be imitated, so the best way for Mamdani to gain the party's trust and continued support is to succeed in his mission as mayor and win over the people on the ground.'

Russia's summer offensive in Ukraine underwhelms – but Kyiv won't be celebrating
Russia's summer offensive in Ukraine underwhelms – but Kyiv won't be celebrating

Egypt Independent

timean hour ago

  • Egypt Independent

Russia's summer offensive in Ukraine underwhelms – but Kyiv won't be celebrating

CNN — For months the talk in Kyiv was of a much-anticipated Russian offensive that would aim to gobble up more of the Ukraine's eastern regions. So far, it's been underwhelming – but the Russians have made some gains and vastly reinforced their troop numbers in some areas. Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to pursue territorial gains as ceasefire talks take a back seat. Last week he restated what has long been one of his key ways of justifying his unprovoked invasion. 'I consider the Russian and Ukrainian peoples to be one people,' he said. 'In this sense, all of Ukraine is ours.' Even so, the Ukrainians have launched counterattacks in some areas and are rapidly developing a domestic weapons industry. And Russia's wartime economy is facing stronger headwinds. Russian troops are trying to advance in multiple areas of the 1,200-kilometer (746-mile) frontline. Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi said this week there are now 111,000 Russian troops in one part of the frontline alone – near the flashpoint city of Pokrovsk in Donetsk, where there are at least 50 clashes every day. That compares to about 70,000 Russian troops in the area last December, according to the Ukrainian General Staff. Syrskyi also claimed that the Russian infiltration of the northern region of Sumy had been halted. The Institute for the Study of War – a Washington-based think-tank, says Ukrainian forces have regained some territory in Sumy and the pace of Russian advances there has slowed. 'We can say that the wave of attempts at a 'summer offensive' launched by the enemy from Russian territory is fizzling out,' Syrskyi claimed. Residents walk at a street near a building damaged by Russian missile strikes, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Sumy, Ukraine June 13, 2025. Sofiia Gatilova/Reuters But it's a mixed picture. In recent days Russian infantry assaults have gained ground on the border of Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk regions. The Russian defense ministry claimed on Saturday that another village, Zirka, had been taken. DeepState, a Ukrainian open-source analyst, asserted that Ukrainian 'defenses continue to collapse rapidly, and the enemy is making significant advances … with constant assaults' in that area. The Kremlin has long insisted its campaign will continue until it holds all of the eastern Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions. (It already occupies all but a sliver of Luhansk). At the current rate of progress that would take many years. But with the Trump administration apparently less committed to driving ceasefire negotiations, the conflict seems likely to drag on through the end of the year and into 2026. The three-dimensional battlefield is now an unlikely combination of ingenious drone-led special operations and very basic infantry assaults. At one end of the spectrum, Ukraine's audacious attacks at the beginning of June on Russian strategic bombers used drones operated from trucks deep inside Russian territory – a mission that took out about a dozen aircraft used to launch missiles against Ukraine. Ukraine's Security Service reported another drone attack Saturday that it clamed had caused extensive damage to a Russian airbase in Crimea. By contrast, Russian soldiers on foot and motorbikes – sometimes in groups of a dozen or less – push into abandoned villages in eastern Ukraine, with drones for cover but no armor in site. It's an approach that is forcing a change in Ukrainian tactics: to smaller fortified positions. Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said last week that defenses were being camouflaged to match the terrain and made smaller to avoid detection. The Drone War While infantry defend or take territory, drones continue to play a greater role in shaping the conflict. The Russians are churning out cheap, mass-produced drones designed to overwhelm air defenses and allow some of their missiles to get through. The Russians have increasingly used this tactic to hit Ukrainian cities, especially Kyiv, which has sustained considerable damage and higher civilian casualties in recent weeks. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Sunday that overnight '477 drones were in our skies, most of them Russian-Iranian Shaheds, along with 60 missiles of various types. The Russians were targeting everything that sustains life.' The Russians use 'up to 500 (Iranian designed) Shaheds per night, combining them with ballistic and cruise missiles — aiming to exhaust our air defenses,' says Umerov. A woman reacts at the site of an apartment building hit during Russian drone and missile strikes, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv, Ukraine June 23, 2025. Thomas Peter/Reuters Zelensky has reiterated pleas for more Patriot missile batteries and other western systems, which Trump said last week that the US 'should consider' because of large-scale attacks on Ukrainian cities. Zelensky has said Ukraine is prepared to buy Patriots directly or through the fund established by the US-Ukrainian minerals deal. Both sides are producing drones of all types at an astonishing rate. Ukraine's Security Service reckons Russia is producing nearly 200 Iranian-designed Shahed drones every day, and has an inventory of some 6,000, in addition to about 6,000 decoy drones. Over the last week, the Russians have used more than 23,000 small 'kamikaze' drones on the frontlines, according to the Ukrainian military's General Staff. It's a never-ending race in design and production. Syrskyi said recently that Russia had developed an edge in fiber-optic-controlled drones, which are more difficult to track and intercept. Drone warfare is a 'constant intellectual struggle — the enemy regularly changed algorithms, and Ukraine adapted tactics in response,' Umerov said. 'Solutions that showed high effectiveness at the beginning of the war have lost it over time as the enemy changed tactics.' For its part, Ukraine is stepping up production of the long-range drones it has used to attack Russian infrastructure, such as airfields, refineries and transport. Umerov said 'tens of thousands' would be produced, in addition to more than four million battlefield drones this year. The longer term Both sides continue to build defense industries that allow them to keep fighting – even if the scale of Russian production far outstrips that of Ukraine. Russia's huge military conglomerate Rostec is producing an estimated 80% of the equipment used against Ukraine. Its CEO Sergey Chemezov claimed at a meeting with Putin this month that Rostec's production has grown tenfold since 2021, and its revenues rose last year to an eye-watering $46 billion. Russia's President Vladimir Putin (R) attends a meeting with Russia's state-owned defence corporation Rostec CEO Sergei Chemezov in Moscow on July 30, 2024. Gavriil Grigorov/Pool/AFP/Getty Images But there are darkening clouds on the horizon. Russia's military budget is some 40% of its total public spending – more than 6% of its GDP. That's stoked inflation, and Putin acknowledged last week that growth this year would be 'much more modest' to combat rising prices. He even suggested that defense spending would decline next year. One senior Russian official, Maksim Reshetnikov, who is Economic Development minister, said that 'based on current business sentiment, it seems to me we are on the brink of transitioning into recession.' The head of Russia's Central Bank, Elvira Nabiullina, disagreed with Reshetnikov but warned that financial buffers like the national reserve fund are nearly depleted. 'We must understand that many of these resources have been used up,' she told the St. Petersburg International Forum. Putin himself acknowledged the risk, saying that while some experts predicted stagnation, it should 'not be allowed under any circumstances.' While the longer-term prognosis for Russia may be gloomy – economically and demographically – it can continue in the short-term to fund an army of more than half-a-million men that's in Ukraine or close to its border, taking a few kilometers here and there. Despite hundreds of thousands of casualties, the Russian military can still generate forces far greater than Ukraine. His eye still very much on the prize, Putin said last week: 'We have a saying … where the foot of a Russian soldier steps, that is ours.'

From Gaza to Tehran, why journalists are frontline targets in the Middle East - Region
From Gaza to Tehran, why journalists are frontline targets in the Middle East - Region

Al-Ahram Weekly

time2 hours ago

  • Al-Ahram Weekly

From Gaza to Tehran, why journalists are frontline targets in the Middle East - Region

As missiles rain down and cameras go dark, a new front in modern warfare has emerged: the systematic targeting of journalists. From Tehran to Gaza, media workers are being bombed, shot, and silenced—not for what they've done, but for what they dare to show. On 16 June, broadcaster Sahar Emami was halfway through her evening bulletin when the building shook. The missile struck like thunder. The lights blew out. Smoke filled the room. Somewhere down the corridor, someone screamed. An Israeli airstrike had just hit the compound of Iran's state broadcaster, IRIB, in Tehran. Emami paused only briefly, running for cover as the shockwaves intensified. She returned to her chair moments later—composed, defiant—and resumed the live broadcast. File Photo: A snapshot of Broadcaster Sahar Emami after an Israeli strike hit the building. The attack killed producer Masoumeh Azimi and news editor Nima Rajabpour. Many others were wounded. "This was part of a plan to destroy 'the regime's symbols,'" American-Iranian journalist, formerly based in Beirut, Séamus Malekafzali told Ahram Online. "If they can stop IRIB from broadcasting and kill its reporters, they can prevent the state from informing people about what is happening in their own country." "It has a chilling effect on going back to work and on associating oneself with its reporters," he added. The strike on IRIB was part of a growing Israeli strategy of targeting "hostile" media infrastructure. Iran responded with missiles aimed at Israel's Channel 14 and Channel 12. The strike caused structural damage but no casualties. Iran's government labelled Channel 14 a "terror network" tied to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition. Israel condemned the attack as a strike against civilian media. But in Tehran, the questions had already shifted. "We heard the bombs around us, our windows shook, and we kept working," wrote Iranian journalist Ruhollah Nakhaee to Ahram Online. "Some of us had to move our families out of Tehran and return to work alone." "They [the West] brushed off IRIB being hit because it's state TV," he said. "The BBC is state TV. The VOA is state TV. Would anyone react the same if they were targeted? I'm very aware that if any of our offices are hit, no one will ask why. And even if they do, it won't matter." The language of international law offers no protection, he adds. "After all Israel has done with blanket support from the West, terms like 'international law' mean nothing here. They never did." Cross-border attacks and the information war File Photo: Reuters video journalist Issam Abdallah. Photo courtesy of social media. The strike on IRIB reflects a growing pattern of Israeli attacks on journalists in the region. On 13 October 2023, the Israeli army opened tank fire on seven reporters clearly marked as press while filming on a hillside near Alma Al-Shaab, southern Lebanon. Reuters video journalist Issam Abdallah was killed. AFP photojournalist Christina Assi lost her leg. Five others were injured. Investigations by AFP, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the United Nations all concluded the strike was deliberate. "Despite extensive evidence of a war crime … Israel has faced zero accountability," said Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) President Jodie Ginsberg in a 2024 report. "All over Palestine and in southern Lebanon, the primary aim of assassinating all these journalists has been to prevent the dissemination of what is happening on these fronts to the rest of the world," Malekafzali said. "They attack reporters no matter what network they're from … as long as they are focused on exposing Israeli atrocities." Reporting from the front lines in Gaza and the West Bank File Photo: A Palestinian woman holds the body of her son, killed in an Israeli strike. Photo courtesy of Salma Al-Qaddoumi's Instagram. By the second month of the ongoing genocide, Gaza had already become the world's most dangerous environment for journalists. On a blistering August morning, journalists Ibrahim Muhareb, Salma Al-Qaddoumi, Ezzedine Muasher, Rasha Ahmed, and Saeed Al-Lulu were documenting displacement in Gaza's Hamad City when an Israeli tank opened fire. Muhareb was shot in the leg. Al-Qaddoumi and her friend Mahmoud rushed to carry him to safety. "But snipers opened fire on us. Ibrahim [Muhareb] was killed. Mahmoud was wounded. I was shot in the back—the bullet exited near my heart. I was clearly marked as press. I wore my vest. And yet, they aimed at us deliberately," Al-Qaddoumi told Ahram Online. Since October 2023, at least 226 journalists have been killed, 430 injured, 48 detained, and 119 media offices or institutions destroyed in Palestine—mostly in Gaza—according to the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS). The PJS also reported that the number of journalists killed represents nearly 20 percent of all Palestinian journalists. "For over twenty months, we've tried to deliver Gaza's image to the world," says Al-Qaddoumi. "But we are exhausted—physically, emotionally, spiritually. We are weary of capturing massacres, of photographing shredded bodies." "Gaza needed its story told. The displacement was relentless, the bombing spared no neighbourhood, and there simply weren't enough journalists to document every massacre," she explained. Al-Qaddoumi was nearly killed doing just that. File Photo: A woman holding her children's hands, with several Israeli Army vehicles behind her in Jenin, the occupied West Bank. Photo courtesy of Obada Tahayna's Instagram . In the northern West Bank, Obada Tahayna, Jenin-based correspondent for Al Jazeera and Free Palestine TV, faces the same threat. "In Jenin, being a journalist is extremely hazardous. Every day could be my last," Tahayna told Ahram Online. Since 21 January, Israel has carried out its most expansive military operation in the West Bank since 2002. "The vest no longer offers protection," Tahayna says. "It's a target. The occupation forces recognise it. That makes you a target for attack, pursuit, and detention." He has been beaten, detained, and had his phone confiscated—but persists. "If we fall silent, it would be as if nothing ever occurred." Media coverage of the West Bank was severely curtailed after Israel closed the Al Jazeera media office in Ramallah last September. When did journalists become targets of war? The deliberate targeting of media workers has become increasingly systematic. In 2001, the United States bombed Al Jazeera's Kabul office during its invasion of Afghanistan. In 2003, it struck the network's Baghdad bureau, killing Palestinian correspondent Tareq Ayyoub. Both incidents were never meaningfully investigated. In 2007, leaked US military footage—later published by WikiLeaks as "Collateral Murder"—showed a helicopter crew killing civilians, including two Reuters journalists in Iraq, laughing as they opened fire. In asymmetric conflicts, especially in the digital age, narrative warfare is as decisive as territory. "The Israeli narrative spreads rapidly and is presented as the sole truth," Tahayna says. The journalist thus becomes not just an observer but a counter-narrator. "The Palestinian journalist does not merely transmit news. He is part of the event itself—threatened, under pressure, yet resolute. Perhaps the world doesn't realise how much we risk so people may see—not for personal gain." Today, journalists are increasingly seen as affiliates, particularly those working for national broadcasters, local agencies, or partisan outlets. Their presence challenges the monopoly of official narratives, and their footage often outpaces state messaging. The limits of international protection Despite protections under international humanitarian law, its application remains inconsistent. The 2002 killing of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl sparked global outrage and immediate diplomatic pressure. The US government launched high-level investigations, resulting in arrests and convictions. File Photo: Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh. AFP By contrast, the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh in 2022—filmed, verified, and acknowledged even by Western allies—has led only to prolonged inquiries, tepid statements, and no justice. Journalists from the Global South are often seen not as independent professionals but as extensions of their geographic or political contexts. Groups such as Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), and CPJ continue to track deaths, demand inquiries, and issue press freedom alerts. However, much of their work yields only expressions of solidarity, rather than justice. Malekafzali summed it up: "Reporters can be maimed, killed, obliterated … but they will always be fundamentally untrustworthy to the West unless they've been granted access to its vaulted institutions." "The Israeli victims are foregrounded," he stressed. "We know many of their names by now, even if we don't live there. But we rarely know about the Palestinians, Lebanese, and now Iranians killed by the Israeli army—except as numbers in the death toll." "We will not be silenced" Despite the risks, journalists continue working—not because they are safe, but because the world needs their voices. "If I could capture just one photo that carries my voice to the world," Al-Qaddoumi says, "I would want it to show Gaza's beauty—the children, the youth, the women. Gaza is full of talent, creativity, brilliance. And yet many of those vibrant young people are now amputees—or martyrs. Why? For what crime?" "To me, photography is an act of resistance. It is documentation. It is a message of steadfastness. We are here, on the ground. And we will not be silenced," she concludes. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:

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