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Opinion: More than ever, we must cherish our universities

Opinion: More than ever, we must cherish our universities

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When I was nine, my parents moved our family from London, Ont., to Montreal for my dad's new job as principal of McGill University. Quebec was nearing a referendum on whether to separate from Canada. If we weren't the only English Canadian family to move to Quebec that year, we were among the few. My parents enrolled me and my four sisters in French school right away.
Being a unilingual anglophone in a French school during the referendum was a tough start. Fitting in — let alone making friends — was hard. I spent most of that first year fending off bullies targeting me and my younger sisters. It was a rough time, which we now simply call 'character building.'
But we grew to love Montreal, Quebec and McGill — where all five of us, and my mom, eventually studied. We attended so many McGill events growing up that I refer to it as a third parent. It helped raise me, and I owe McGill a lot.
I'm grateful my parents took that leap — one few would have considered — to uproot our family and immerse us in a different dimension of Canadian life. We embraced two languages, two cultures, and vastly expanded our understanding of our beautiful, complicated country.
By the time I was studying law at McGill in my 20s, Quebec faced a second referendum. Politics hadn't settled in the 15 years since the first vote. Quebecers remained divided about their place in Canada. As results came in on voting night, I imagine you could hear a pin drop across the country. Canada held together by just 54,000 votes. A staggering 94 per cent of eligible Quebecers voted — the highest turnout in the province's history.
In the wake of that vote — and amid a divisive climate — businessman and philanthropist Charles Bronfman endowed the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC). His vision was to deepen our understanding of Canada: its heritage, its social, political and economic future, and our role in the world.
At the time, it was hard to imagine overcoming such division. But we did. Over the past 30 years, MISC has contributed meaningfully to national discourse — advancing understanding of the issues that matter to Canadians.
In 2024, as an extension of MISC, Bronfman endowed the Charles Bronfman Conversations — an annual platform at McGill for Canadian and international leaders to share lived experience in navigating complex global issues.
If the referendums revealed the vulnerability of Canada's national identity and what we stand to lose when divided, today is a testament to the power of collective patriotism.
As we face new threats to our sovereignty and economy from our southern neighbour, there's never been a more important time to understand, defend and invest in what makes Canada strong. Our universities are central to that.
These institutions attract students, scholars and researchers from around the world, benefiting their communities, provinces and the country.
Universities must clearly communicate their role in supporting our economy and quality of life, so the public fully grasps the risks of weakening them. A few highlights:
Canada has the highest post-secondary attainment among G7 countries. In 2021, 57.5 per cent of Canadians aged 25–64 held a college or university credential — up 3.5 per cent from 2016. Nearly half of children in the lowest income quintile attend post-secondary schools.
GDP growth is closely tied to research, innovation and talent — areas where universities lead.
Three Canadian universities — McGill, the University of Toronto and UBC — are ranked in the global top 50 on the Times Higher Education list.
All Canadian universities operate in a fiercely competitive global context where many nations have made universities a cornerstone of economic growth. Fifteen years ago, China had two universities in the top 50; now it has five. This year, Brazil, Saudi Arabia and the UAE entered the top 200 for the first time.
The U.S. government's recent attempts to undermine its universities contrast sharply with this reality. Similarly, Quebec's 2023 move to raise tuition and impose French language requirements on non-Quebec students at its English universities is also out of step. The recent Quebec Superior Court ruling against these measures gives the government a chance to reset.
McGill, which has shaped my life for 45 years and so many others for over 200, is a jewel in Quebec's crown — like every university in the province.
It's the kind of place that inspires a young English Canadian family to move across the country — just to be a small part of the richness and value it brings to the world.
In his agreement with McGill endowing the Conversations, Bronfman shared this vision for how universities can strengthen countries:
'I keep on wondering about Canada and where it is positioned in the world — as opposed to where it should be positioned. We don't take as much advantage as we should of the 'neighbourhood' we are in — we can be the senior of the middle-sized countries. We have abdicated that role and are no longer consequential on a global stage. …
'I am curious whether our university system can be a leader — like in the U.S. or the U.K. — to help Canada assume a more important role in the world. We are facing serious issues and need to take stock of where we are. …
'I have always loved this country. I feel like Canada is a wonderful country and can continue to get better.'
Canada may not have chosen the uncertain path we're on — marked by a shifting political world order — but this moment offers a chance to leverage our strengths, confront our economic vulnerabilities with clarity and unite with purpose to build the stronger, more resilient nation we can become.
Our universities must be a vital part of that vision.

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Carney won't reveal spending plans, enraging critics — but some call it savvy
Carney won't reveal spending plans, enraging critics — but some call it savvy

National Observer

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Carney won't reveal spending plans, enraging critics — but some call it savvy

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In this case, all the way to Rome – it was there, during his visit to greet the new Pope, that Mr. Carney gave reporters the closest thing he's given to an explanation for skipping the spring budget. 'There's not much value in trying to rush through a budget in a very narrow window — three weeks — with a new cabinet [and] effectively a new finance minister," he said. "We will have a much more comprehensive, effective, ambitious, prudent budget in the fall." He elaborated briefly this week, in an interview with Power and Politics on the afternoon of the Throne Speech. 'I'm not a fan of picking an arbitrary number and then figuring out how to spend up to it,' he told host David Cochrane, after describing a host of uncertainties looming over Canada's defence budget. 'That's one of the reasons we will have a fall budget, not a budget tomorrow.' These excuses rang hollow to NDP MP Heather McPherson. In light of the intense furor caused by the budget's delay, it's baffling why Carney invited such a storm. It didn't just dominate the first week of Question Period, it unleashed a predictable slew of withering news articles and op-eds. 'For him to constantly say that everyone is new — nobody's buying that,' McPherson told Canada's National Observer over the phone this week. 'This is literally [the Liberals'] fourth mandate, with many of the same caucus members, with almost the entirety of the financial department staff being the same.' The day after Carney's first Question Period, finance minister Champagne told Politico that the reason Liberals are waiting until fall is they want to have 'more clarity around defense, around the trade war that is happening now in the world,' referring to tariffs and the upcoming NATO meeting where Canada's defence budget is almost certain to rise dramatically. Champagne said the government is also waiting to get 'initial feedback from our initiatives on government efficiency.' McPherson didn't buy that either. 'For Mark Carney to say, 'we don't know what's going to happen with military spending' – well, you ran on a military spending plan. Is that not the military spending plan that you are now going to take to NATO?' Uncertainty is baked into the whole budgeting process, she said; it's why spring budgets are followed and adjusted by fall economic forecasts. 'There'll be changes in a lot of things. There's going to be changes next year. Do we not get a budget next year because there might be changes? That's not how budgets work, and he knows that.' Indeed, he does. A central irony to all this is that the most famous banker in Canadian history seems indifferent to the value of a timely budget. This begs a question no one asked in Question Period: Why do we need a budget now? Big, beautiful budgets According to Michael Wernick, the former Clerk of the Privy Council, deputy minister under three prime ministers, and one of the most experienced former bureaucrats in Canada, we don't. 'In practical or operational terms, the four-month delay really doesn't matter,' Wernick told Canada's National Observer in a phone interview. 'In days gone by, the budget was mostly a statement of tax measures,' he said. 'The practice of having a big, beautiful budget, chock full of just about everything the government wants to do in the coming year and hundreds of pages of implementation legislation covering everything from A to Z, is a fairly recent practice.' The day-to-day business of a government doesn't depend on a budget. Payments to civil servants, transfers to provinces, funding the various ministries and departments — all these costs go out more or less automatically. It's the new spending measures that require parliamentary approval. One example is the 1 per cent tax cut Carney has promised to Canadians in the lowest income bracket; that can only come into effect once parliament has voted for it. The same goes for increasing the defence budget, or deploying billions for new housing, and so on. Over the past two decades, Wernick explained, governments of both parties have tended to jam their entire year's goals into a single budget. 'So you've got these huge omnibus bills and a fight with parliament,' he said. 'But they're too big and they cover too many things and they're cramping parliament's ability to properly review them. The Conservatives criticize the Liberals for doing it. The Liberals criticized the Conservatives for doing it.' Those giant omnibus budget bills force parliament to either approve or reject everything at once. On top of that, rejecting a budget automatically brings down the government, forcing a brand new election – something no party, or Canadian, wants right now, regardless of how they feel about the budget. For that reason 'Breaking [the budget] up into pieces might actually lead to better scrutiny by parliament,' Wernick says. Rather than an all-or-nothing vote with the sword of a new election hanging over their decision, MPs of all parties can (for now) approve, reject or amend each spending measure on its own merits, one at a time. Not everyone agrees, of course. 'The history of accountability and democracy is really coterminous with control of the budgets over the executive branch,' says Ian Lee, an associate professor in the Spratt School of Business at Carleton University (and a onetime candidate for MP under Kim Campbell's Progressive Conservative banner). 'It's not the end of the world if a national government doesn't table its budget, but it reduces transparency; it reduces, to a small degree, confidence in the government and in the stability of that country.' 'It's about legitimacy,' agrees Christopher Ragan, founding director of the Max Bell School of Public Policy who currently teaches economics at McGill. 'I mean, if you really want a well-informed debate about spending, especially in the world of a minority government, we should probably know what the books look like. And we don't know what the books look like. The last time we saw a fiscal update was in December, and that was like a whole lifetime ago.' Uncertain times on the barbecue circuit December was before Trump's inauguration and the ensuing trade war; before Justin Trudeau stepped down; before it became clear that Canada's economic future would bear little resemblance to its recent past. That's another crucial aspect of a budget – by spelling out the state of a nation's finances, it forms the material basis for debate about how the government will spend taxpayer's dollars. But here, too, Michael Wernick feels a budget's importance is overstated. 'The Department of Finance puts out something called the fiscal monitor every month,' he points out. 'Nobody ever pays attention to it and writes articles about it, but they're obliged to put out quarterly financial statements. So every three months the department will put a snapshot out of where it is.' But what if MPs want more recent or granular information, especially given the tremendous rate of change? 'If parliament wants to hear from the minister of finance, it's a minority parliament; they just call him in front of the finance committee,' Wernick said. Still, in light of the intense furor caused by the budget's delay, it's baffling why Carney invited such a storm. It didn't just dominate the first week of Question Period, it unleashed a slew of withering news articles and op-eds that articulated valid concerns about Carney's lack of transparency, all of it entirely predictable. The work of crafting a budget is contained within the finance department — completing one doesn't hamper the rest of the government's ability to pursue Carney's ambitious agenda — so why not just release one before summer and avoid the bad press? 'The charitable interpretation is they say, 'Hey, we're busy, life is uncertain, it's too hard to do, so we're gonna do it later,'' says Christopher Ragan. 'But the thing that I fear is that what's going on in their heads is: 'We can just do this more easily without a budget. The budget is complicated, the budget is very visible, the budget invites all kinds of analysis and criticism, and why don't we just proceed as much as we can and we'll just pass these appropriations bills, which get way less scrutiny.' 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In the news today: Cooler week ahead as fires burn by Flin Flon, Man.
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In the news today: Cooler week ahead as fires burn by Flin Flon, Man.

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Premiers huddle with Carney in Saskatoon to decide what major projects to prioritize
Premiers huddle with Carney in Saskatoon to decide what major projects to prioritize

Winnipeg Free Press

time3 hours ago

  • Winnipeg Free Press

Premiers huddle with Carney in Saskatoon to decide what major projects to prioritize

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