One vision, many fissures: Can Modi govt, states align on Viksit Bharat blueprint?

India Today

26-05-2025

The mood inside New Delhi's Bharat Mandapam for the 10th governing council meeting of the NITI Aayog on May 24 was strikingly warm, almost theatrical in its display of unity. Prime Minister Narendra Modi exchanged greetings and shared light-hearted moments with chief ministers of Opposition-ruled states—M.K. Stalin of Tamil Nadu, Bhagwant Mann of Punjab and A. Revanth Reddy of Telangana.It was a carefully constructed tableau of cooperative federalism, a visual rebuttal to the narrative of a Centre at odds with the states. But one chair remained conspicuously empty—that of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Her decision to skip not only drew sharp criticism from the BJP but also exposed her growing political isolation.advertisementAlso missing from Opposition-ruled states were chief ministers Siddaramaiah (Karnataka) and Pinarayi Vijayan (Kerala), besides the NDA's (National Democratic Alliance) Nitish Kumar and Puducherry chief minister N. Krishnasamy. Yet it was Mamata's absence that was widely discussed in INDIA bloc and NDA circles.In recent weeks, Mamata has cut a lonely figure—even former INDIA partners are now aligning with Modi on key national concerns. First, she pulled out her MP from the all-party global outreach against Pakistan's terror infrastructure post-Operation Sindoor, only to send her nephew Abhishek Banerjee under pressure.
Now, by boycotting the NITI Aayog meeting, Mamata appears to have further distanced herself at a time when others are converging in the spirit of shared responsibility. As Modi pushes ahead with his vision of Viksit Bharat @2047, what was once a story of federal friction may now be morphing into one of selective maturity—and strategic solitude.advertisementThis year's theme for the governing council meeting was 'Viksit Rajya for Viksit Bharat@2047'—a vision of India as a developed nation by the centenary of its independence. But behind the lofty pronouncements and photo-ops lies a complex reality. For states grappling with financial strain, demographic divides, administrative bottlenecks and political mistrust, the road to 2047 is paved more with obstacles than opportunity.The prime minister's call to action—asking each state to develop at least one world-class tourist destination, interlink rivers, modernise civil preparedness and skill the youth for emerging technologies like AI and semiconductors—was aspirational, no doubt. But for many states, particularly those outside the NDA fold, these goals remain a distant dream unless deeper systemic issues are addressed.Consider the political choreography at play. The Modi government, often accused of centralising power, has in recent months made deliberate overtures to project consensus. Operation Sindoor, the precision military campaign against terror infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK), was followed by an all-party briefing.Subsequently, 59 parliamentarians cutting across party lines were grouped into seven outreach teams to take India's message on terrorism to global capitals. It was a show of unity—and strategic foresight—that left Mamata politically cornered. Her initial refusal to participate stood out sharply, particularly as other Opposition leaders—once her close allies—chose to be part of the consensus.advertisementMamata's boycott of the NITI Aayog meeting, then, appeared to confirm a trajectory of increasing political isolation. While the BJP predictably pounced on her absence, what stung more was the indifference from other Opposition chief ministers. She will have to now recalibrate her political posturing, that too almost a year before West Bengal is scheduled to go to polls.Once fiercely critical of the Centre, many are now choosing calibrated engagement. Stalin, for instance, while remaining vocal on issues such as language imposition and federalism, has not hesitated to attend key national forums. Reddy in Telangana, despite his Congress credentials, understands the need to strike a balance between regional assertion and central cooperation. Mann, too, has chosen a similar path—engaging, criticising but participating.The shift signals a larger trend. India's Opposition leaders, especially those running states, are learning to differentiate between electoral rivalry and administrative partnership. This is not a sign of surrender but of survival—and relevance. The federal contract may be fraying, but the political class is learning to navigate it pragmatically.And yet, the vision of Viksit Bharat is no mere slogan. It's a complex, multi-decade mission that demands real structural reform—not just from Delhi but from each of the states. The prime minister was clear: the Centre cannot go it alone. But herein lies the rub. For states to deliver on the ambitious targets—be it skilling, infrastructure, agriculture or tourism—they will need a fairer financial compact, greater flexibility in scheme implementation and, most importantly, a genuine voice in national policymaking.advertisementTake skilling, for example. The Centre has approved a Rs 60,000 crore scheme to modernise training infrastructure. But many states, especially in the East and Northeast, lack the basic institutional backbone to absorb such funds. Others struggle with outdated curricula, weak industry linkages and a mismatch between training and market demand. Unless states are empowered to localise skilling strategies—based on their economic profiles and youth demographics—the vision of becoming the world's 'Skilling Capital' will remain aspirational.Then there's urbanisation. The Centre's announcement of a Rs 1 lakh crore Urban Challenge Fund aims to transform Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities into engines of growth. But the real test lies in execution. Urban planning remains hostage to antiquated master-plans, politically captured municipalities and rampant land-use violations. Many cities lack the technical capacity to even prepare quality project proposals let alone implement them. Without a new urban governance model—rooted in transparency, decentralisation and technical expertise—the fund risks becoming another underutilised pool of money.advertisementWater resources offer another compelling case. Modi's push for interlinking of rivers within states and his praise for Bihar's Kosi-Mochi grid were framed as models for others. But water politics in India is notoriously thorny. States routinely battle over river-sharing—from Cauvery to Yamuna to Ravi-Beas. Interlinking rivers even within a state often runs into legal, ecological and political barriers. Without a fresh water federalism framework—one that balances upstream-downstream rights and incentivises conservation—these ambitions may hit the wall of status quo resistance.Tourism, meanwhile, is an untapped economic lever. Modi's idea of each state developing one global-standard destination sounds simple, but achieving it requires a complete overhaul of infrastructure, hospitality, branding and safety standards. State tourism boards are underfunded and plagued by red tape. Land acquisition for hotel clusters is cumbersome, and coordination between departments is poor. With the right push, India could indeed offer 25-30 destinations that rival the best globally—but it will take more than just intent.Then there are the inescapable financial asymmetries. Many states have accused the Centre of unfairly skewing fiscal devolution. Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal and Telangana have repeatedly flagged concerns over the Finance Commission's formulae, claiming they penalise better-performing states. Delays in GST compensation, arbitrary cess outside the divisible pool and rising centralisation in centrally sponsored schemes have added fuel to the fire. In this context, calls for cooperative federalism ring hollow unless the fiscal architecture is also made more equitable.advertisementLanguage, too, has emerged as a flashpoint. The Centre's efforts to mainstream Hindi across official and defence communication have provoked sharp resistance from southern states. The contentious debate around the Census and simultaneous elections has deepened this trust deficit. And yet, despite these tensions, a quiet realignment is underway. Regional leaders are picking their battles, often choosing to negotiate from within the system rather than from outside it.This is why the image of opposition chief ministers greeting the prime minister with warmth—and participating actively in policy discussions—matters. It signals not capitulation, but evolution. It is an acknowledgment that in the age of overlapping crises—climate, cyber threats, terror, economic decoupling—the states and Centre must act as co-stakeholders.Mamata's boycott, in contrast, appears increasingly isolated from this political drift. While she remains a formidable regional force, her strategy of confrontation may be running out of road. The perception that she has lost the confidence of even her allies on national issues weakens her hand. And in a federal set-up like India's, isolation often translates to marginalisation.To realise the vision of Viksit Bharat @2047, India will need a new model of federalism—one that is less about confrontation and more about co-creation. States will need to reform internally, shedding legacy inefficiencies and embracing transparency, accountability and innovation. Civil services must be retooled for performance, not process. Land and labour reforms must be undertaken with state-specific lenses. Health and education delivery must shift from input-based to outcome-based models.But equally, the Centre must be willing to let go. It must trust states with flexibility, stop micromanaging schemes and create genuinely participative policy platforms. Federalism cannot be cooperative if it is not equal. The NITI Aayog's governing council can be a crucible for this transformation, but only if the political class invests it with seriousness and shared intent.At Bharat Mandapam, the optics suggested a moment of rare alignment. Whether that moment becomes a movement depends on what happens after the photo-ops fade. For now, Modi has laid out a grand vision. The states, divided in politics but increasingly united in pragmatism, must decide if they will walk with him or chart their own path to 2047. Either way, the clock is ticking.Subscribe to India Today MagazineMust Watch