UNIFIL changes command amidst tensions in South Lebanon
The event unfolded against a backdrop of heightened tensions, with the sounds of interceptor missiles and the overhead presence of Israeli drones.
Following a military parade by participating UNIFIL units, Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Mnassa laid a wreath on behalf of the Lebanese government at the monument dedicated to UNIFIL casualties.
Outgoing Major General Lázaro addressed the gathering, reflecting on UNIFIL's mission and its support for the Lebanese Army south of the Litani River. He emphasized the force's role in implementing U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701 and achieving stability, underscoring the continued necessity of UNIFIL's presence.
The new commander, Major General Abagnara, then spoke, extending his gratitude to his predecessor for his wise leadership.
"We must strengthen stability and work towards the implementation of international Resolution 1701," he stated. "For this reason, we must continue to enhance stability and international coordination and translate dialogue into concrete action. Recognizing the importance of stability is not enough; we must work tirelessly to build it day by day."
He added, "We gather at a time of significant transformations in the operational and political landscape. Today's ceremony goes beyond a mere formal transfer of command; it reaffirms UNIFIL's vital role as a force for stability after the renewed hostilities."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


LBCI
7 hours ago
- LBCI
Larijani in Beirut: Tehran will back Lebanon ‘under all circumstances'
Ali Larijani, Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, arrived in Beirut on Wednesday. Speaking at the airport upon arriving, Larijani said, 'We will stand by the dear people of Lebanon under all circumstances,' adding, 'We always seek to safeguard Lebanon's supreme interests.'


LBCI
10 hours ago
- LBCI
Military plan to be activated: Occupation of Gaza by Israel set to move forward
Report by Amal Shehadeh, English adaptation by Akram Chehayeb Israeli military and security institutions have failed to convince the political establishment to reverse the decision to occupy Gaza, as the army submitted to the demand to prepare a military plan and present it to the Cabinet within a few days. According to the Cabinet's demands, the plan faces two main challenges: ensuring the lives of living hostages and minimizing Israel's international standing. However, the Israeli army acknowledges that these demands cannot be fulfilled. The first phase of the plan includes recruiting at least 250,000 soldiers out of a total of 450,000. This is the first aspect that the army has not yet been able to implement. Next is to train and prepare the army to carry out large-scale military operations focused on Gaza City and the central camps, with the aim of closing access and supply routes, cutting off the city from its surroundings, and weakening Hamas forces from within. Another integral part of the plan is the establishment of protected humanitarian zones for the civilian population, in which 12 centralized food stations will be set up to distribute aid under Israeli supervision. At the same time, while there has been no breakthrough in the prisoner deal and no Israeli vision for the day after the war, behind-the-scenes moves are underway to appoint a Palestinian Authority governor of the Gaza Strip, Samir Hulileh, the former Secretary-General of the Palestinian government, who has expressed his agreement to the initiative. These moves are led by an Israeli-Canadian named Ari Ben-Menashe, who is registered in America as a "lobbyist" and aims to make the appointment under the auspices of the Arab League acceptable to Israel and the United States, and ultimately allow for a "day after" the war in terms of controlling Gaza. The plan includes the deployment of American and Arab troops in the Gaza Strip, recognition by the United Nations of the Strip's special status, leasing land from Egypt for an airport and seaport in Sinai, and obtaining rights to drill for gas off the coast of Gaza, among other things. Hulileh was quoted as saying that the first necessary step is for the parties to commit to a permanent ceasefire and end the war.

LBCI
10 hours ago
- LBCI
Post-war reality: Hezbollah's capabilities between Israeli narratives and ground facts
Report by Wissam Nasrallah, English adaptation by Yasmine Jaroudi Former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant declared on October 27, 2024—one month before the end of the 66-day war—that Hezbollah was no longer an effective force for Iran, claiming its senior leadership had been wiped out along with most of its missile capabilities. When the war ended, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu struck a similar tone, suggesting Hezbollah had been crushed militarily. While few dispute the heavy blows the group sustained, the strikes did not stop with the war's conclusion. Over the following nine months, Israel carried out more than 500 air raids, killing over 240 people and destroying infrastructure. Yet Israeli media headlines painted a more complex picture. The newspaper Maariv ran the headline: "Northern settlements at risk again: Radwan Forces plan to invade Israel." This came alongside articles acknowledging that Hezbollah still retained some military capabilities. Maariv reported that the group was rebuilding its elite Radwan unit, changing tactics, and preparing for possible operations in the Mount Hermon area, described as part of a swift Iranian move to shape the post-war narrative. The paper quoted the Israeli army as saying it had killed around 5,000 commanders out of the 9,000 who were in Lebanon before the war, and that Radwan's ranks had been reduced from about 6,000 fighters to between 2,500 and 3,000. How could a group whose leadership was decimated, whose missile arsenal was largely destroyed, and whose elite force lost more than half its fighters, by Israel's own account, still be in a position to launch an incursion? Analysts point to two possible explanations. One is Israel's consistent promotion of a narrative that it remains under threat, justifying ongoing operations in Lebanon. The other is that Hezbollah is indeed restoring parts of its military strength, something the group itself does not deny. Whether, after such rebuilding, it could still inflict significant damage on Israel, and how much of its recovery Israel can disrupt, are questions only both sides can answer. If the answers emerge, they will likely come through force of arms.