
Trump's Washington DC takeover is straight out of a fascist playbook
Buying into state violence this way produces something historian Robert Paxton has called a 'mobilizing passion'. In his book The Anatomy of Fascism, Paxton described how 'the beauty of violence and the efficacy of will' is produced and then mobilized by fascists by creating 'a sense of overwhelming crisis beyond the reach of traditional solutions'. In other words, there's always a grave, existential threat lurking around every corner, and only fascist violence can restore order to a lawless world. To the fascist, as Umberto Eco once put it, 'life is a permanent war'.
Enter Donald Trump. Whether it's an existential threat of 'wokeness' run amok in American universities, or the extraordinary danger of unauthorized immigrants picking our vegetables, Trump is prepared to battle everyone and everything, including his own windmills, to restore the country to some illusory past glory that we are all supposed to believe in, and be willing to sacrifice ourselves for.
But the sad truth is that many, if not most, of Trump's justifications for his policies, are unsurprisingly based on bald-faced lies or gross exaggerations simply to further his pursuit of absolute power. Yet it doesn't seem to matter. With each new announcement, Trump continues to prove how excellent he is at crafting the illusion of problems where there basically are none and leading his followers down an often-violent path of retribution. (Remember January 6, DC's most violent day in recent history?) By doing so, he seeks to constantly expand his authority while also deflecting from all the substantial problems that are staring him in the face. And these problems are not insignificant. Think of the Jeffery Epstein scandal or the continuation of global conflicts that he promised months ago he would uniquely be able to end.
The federal takeover of the Washington DC police department, announced with loud fanfare by Trump on Monday, is the latest example of this phenomenon. Some 800 national guard troops will be deployed in the nation's capital because, according to the president, 'our capital city has been overtaken by violent gangs and bloodthirsty criminals, roving mobs of wild youth, drugged-out maniacs, and homeless people.'
This does sound rather frightening. Fortunately, it's not true. Unfortunately, it doesn't seem to matter.
First, the facts. Crime in DC is at historic lows. 'Total violent crime for 2024 in the District of Columbia is down 35% from 2023 and is the lowest it has been in over 30 years,' the justice department announced earlier this year. And crime numbers for 2025 are even better, substantially lower than 2024. Violent crime in 2025 is down 26% compared to 2024.
The DC Council understands this. The council responded to Trump's announcement with an angry joint statement: 'This is a manufactured intrusion on local authority. Violent crime in the District is at the lowest rates we've seen in 30 years. Federalizing the DC police is unwarranted because there is no Federal emergency. Further, the National Guard has no public safety training or knowledge of local laws. The Guard's role does not include investigating or solving crimes in the District. Calling out the National Guard is an unnecessary deployment with no real mission.'
Such facts ought to matter. So why don't they to Trump?
Facts don't matter for Trump because facts have always operated as nothing more than an inconvenience for him. Just ask Erika McEntarfer, former commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. She was recently fired by Trump after accurately reporting employment statistics, and those specific numbers contradicted Trump and his policies. But with every new policy enacted by this administration, Trump's fact-free worldview becomes a lot more worrisome.
That's true for this policy, too. Owing to its historically limited autonomy, the District of Columbia is governed differently than other parts of the county. And under the Home Rule Act of 1973, it's easier for the federal government to take over its policing functions for a period of 30 days. Congress would probably then have to extend that time limit if needed. But to think that Trump is focused on federal policing authority solely to deploy it to Washington DC is to also believe that Donald Trump has never seen a spray tan machine.
Here is Trump: 'We have other cities also that are bad, very bad,' he said at his press conference. 'You look at Chicago, how bad it is. You look at Los Angeles, how bad it is. We have other cities that are very bad. New York is a problem. And then you have of course Baltimore and Oakland. We don't even mention that anymore, they're so far gone. We're not going to let it happen. We're not going to lose our cities over this. And this will go further. We're starting very strongly with DC.'
Now, here are the facts. In Chicago, homicides are down 33% in 2025. Los Angeles had the 'lowest homicide total in nearly 60 years' in 2025. New York's police department is reporting that 'from January 2025 through May 2025, New York City experienced the lowest number of shootings and murders in recorded history.' The Baltimore police department has stated that 2025 'continues to see double-digit reductions in gun violence, including a 22% decrease in homicides'. And the Oakland police department reported last week 'that overall crime in Oakland has dropped by 28% in the first six months of 2025' including a 24% decrease in homicides.
Donald Trump wants to take over all forms of law enforcement in the United States, from local policing to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agency that is now pumped up on budgetary steroids. (Under Trump's so-called Big, Beautiful Bill, Ice will now expand to become the largest federal law enforcement agency in US history, with a bigger budget than most nations' militaries.) Trump's desire to control all forms of state power, and to expand them beyond belief, is a move straight out of the fascist playbook. And it's completely dependent on the production of both extraordinary fear and blatant lies.
The first way of fighting such an obvious power grab is not to give in to the fear and not to believe the lies. But what is less understood about Trump is that he doesn't even care if we believe his lies. Like all such leaders, what Trump really wants is just that we no longer believe in the truth. The difference between not believing the lies and believing in the truth may sound slight, but it's exactly in that distinction where some people are allowed to live and others must die. It's where democracy is found or democracy is lost. And it's why holding on to the very concept of truth ultimately matters so much more than just arguing over the lies.
Moustafa Bayoumi is the author of the award-winning books How Does It Feel To Be a Problem?: Being Young and Arab in America and This Muslim American Life: Dispatches from the War on Terror. He is professor of English at Brooklyn College, City University of New York
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3 days ago
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A key chapter in the fascist playbook has always been to convince the public that it is living in such a state of mortal danger and unbridled chaos that the only chance of survival is to cede individual rights to the determined will of the Dear Leader. That's why fascist leaders have constantly demanded that their populations venerate all violence performed in the service of the state and revere the apparatuses of state violence, such as police forces and the military. In this scenario, state violence is not only necessary for the nation's survival. State violence is understood as even beautiful, something the public can and must believe in. Buying into state violence this way produces something historian Robert Paxton has called a 'mobilizing passion'. In his book The Anatomy of Fascism, Paxton described how 'the beauty of violence and the efficacy of will' is produced and then mobilized by fascists by creating 'a sense of overwhelming crisis beyond the reach of traditional solutions'. In other words, there's always a grave, existential threat lurking around every corner, and only fascist violence can restore order to a lawless world. To the fascist, as Umberto Eco once put it, 'life is a permanent war'. Enter Donald Trump. Whether it's an existential threat of 'wokeness' run amok in American universities, or the extraordinary danger of unauthorized immigrants picking our vegetables, Trump is prepared to battle everyone and everything, including his own windmills, to restore the country to some illusory past glory that we are all supposed to believe in, and be willing to sacrifice ourselves for. But the sad truth is that many, if not most, of Trump's justifications for his policies, are unsurprisingly based on bald-faced lies or gross exaggerations simply to further his pursuit of absolute power. Yet it doesn't seem to matter. With each new announcement, Trump continues to prove how excellent he is at crafting the illusion of problems where there basically are none and leading his followers down an often-violent path of retribution. (Remember January 6, DC's most violent day in recent history?) By doing so, he seeks to constantly expand his authority while also deflecting from all the substantial problems that are staring him in the face. And these problems are not insignificant. Think of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal or the continuation of global conflicts that he promised months ago he would uniquely be able to end. The federal takeover of the Washington DC police department, announced with loud fanfare by Trump on Monday, is the latest example of this phenomenon. About 800 national guard troops will be deployed in the nation's capital because, according to the president, 'our capital city has been overtaken by violent gangs and bloodthirsty criminals, roving mobs of wild youth, drugged-out maniacs, and homeless people.' This does sound rather frightening. Fortunately, it's not true. Unfortunately, it doesn't seem to matter. First, the facts. Crime in DC is at historic lows. 'Total violent crime for 2024 in the District of Columbia is down 35% from 2023 and is the lowest it has been in over 30 years,' the justice department announced earlier this year. And crime numbers for 2025 are even better, substantially lower than 2024. Violent crime in 2025 is down 26% compared with 2024. The DC council understands this. The council responded to Trump's announcement with an angry joint statement: 'This is a manufactured intrusion on local authority. Violent crime in the District is at the lowest rates we've seen in 30 years. Federalizing the DC police is unwarranted because there is no Federal emergency. Further, the National Guard has no public safety training or knowledge of local laws. The Guard's role does not include investigating or solving crimes in the District. Calling out the National Guard is an unnecessary deployment with no real mission.' Such facts ought to matter. So why don't they to Trump? Facts don't matter for Trump because facts have always operated as nothing more than an inconvenience for him. Just ask Erika McEntarfer, former commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. She was recently fired by Trump after accurately reporting employment statistics, and those specific numbers contradicted Trump and his policies. But with every new policy enacted by this administration, Trump's fact-free worldview becomes a lot more worrisome. That's true for this policy, too. Owing to its historically limited autonomy, the District of Columbia is governed differently than other parts of the county. And under the Home Rule Act of 1973,the federal government can take over its policing functions for a period of 30 days. Congress would probably then have to extend that time limit if needed. But to think that Trump is focused on federal policing authority solely to deploy it to Washington DC is to also believe that Donald Trump has never seen a spray tan machine. Here is Trump: 'We have other cities also that are bad, very bad,' he said at his press conference. 'You look at Chicago, how bad it is. You look at Los Angeles, how bad it is. We have other cities that are very bad. New York is a problem. And then you have of course Baltimore and Oakland. We don't even mention that any more, they're so far gone. We're not going to let it happen. We're not going to lose our cities over this. And this will go further. We're starting very strongly with DC.' Now, here are the facts. In Chicago, homicides are down 33% in 2025. Los Angeles had the 'lowest homicide total in nearly 60 years' in 2025. New York's police department is reporting that 'from January 2025 through May 2025, New York City experienced the lowest number of shootings and murders in recorded history.' The Baltimore police department has stated that 2025 'continues to see double-digit reductions in gun violence, including a 22% decrease in homicides'. And the Oakland police department reported last week 'that overall crime in Oakland has dropped by 28% in the first six months of 2025' including a 24% decrease in homicides. Donald Trump wants to take over all forms of law enforcement in the United States, from local policing to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agency that is now pumped up on budgetary steroids. (Under Trump's so-called big, beautiful bill, Ice will now expand to become the largest federal law enforcement agency in US history, with a bigger budget than most nations' militaries.) Trump's desire to control all forms of state power, and to expand them beyond belief, is a move straight out of the fascist playbook. And it's completely dependent on the production of both extraordinary fear and blatant lies. The first way of fighting such an obvious power grab is not to give in to the fear and not to believe the lies. But what is less understood about Trump is that he doesn't even care if we believe his lies. Like all such leaders, what Trump really wants is just that we no longer believe in the truth. The difference between not believing the lies and believing in the truth may sound slight, but it's exactly in that distinction where some people are allowed to live and others must die. It's where democracy is found or democracy is lost. And it's why holding on to the very concept of truth ultimately matters so much more than just arguing over the lies. Moustafa Bayoumi is the author of the award-winning books How Does It Feel to Be a Problem?: Being Young and Arab in America and This Muslim American Life: Dispatches from the War on Terror. He is professor of English at Brooklyn College, City University of New York