It is time the left made a case for immigration – and how to control it

Independent

2 days ago

Public concern about migration is not an issue the Left can afford to ignore. On the doorstep and at the ballot box, people are making clear their dissatisfaction with the current immigration system. This is not a reason to change our values, but to speak clearly, credibly and honestly.
The British public hasn't turned its back on friends, co-workers, and neighbours from overseas or on our proud tradition of offering sanctuary to people fleeing war and persecution. What they're rejecting is a system that often feels chaotic and unfair. Those seeking asylum can wait years in limbo while hotel costs spiral. Rogue employers can exploit migrant workers with impunity. And local services – schools, hospitals, housing – have been so underinvested in that communities can feel abandoned.
The populist right has wasted no time in exploiting this frustration by spreading baseless myths that blame migrant workers and asylum seekers for everything from cuts to the winter fuel allowance and disability support to the cost of living crisis. These claims are dangerous and false. And if the left doesn't offer serious, workable solutions those lies will continue to fill the vacuum.
That starts with honesty about trade-offs. We can't fix labour shortages unless employers invest in better training and create decent opportunities for Britain's existing workforce – alongside targeted overseas recruitment where needed. We won't stop dangerous small boat crossings without providing safe, legal alternatives for those seeking asylum and we won't win back public trust until we can show that the system is fair – for workers, communities, and migrants alike.
To get there, we need a three-pronged approach. First, we need serious investment in UK skills and jobs. That means the government's forthcoming industrial strategy must set out a clear plan to train British workers and deliver high-quality work. It means delivering a Fair Pay Agreement in social care – quickly and in full – to raise pay and improve conditions in one of the most undervalued sectors of our economy.
Tens of thousands of workers from overseas play an absolutely crucial role in delivering social care and will continue to do so into the future. But we cannot simply rely on migration to paper over the cracks in jobs that remain chronically underpaid and understaffed. Every care worker, whether from overseas or born and bred in the UK, deserves pay and conditions that reflect the essential, skilled work they do.
Second, when people come to work in the UK we need to make sure they aren't exploited by rogue employers. That's why I welcome the government's intention to reform visas so migrant workers aren't vulnerable to pressure from their employers and unions look forward to working with the government to get these changes right.
Ministers must also properly fund and empower the new Fair Work Agency. This body must have the teeth to hold exploitative employers to account – particularly those who undercut wages and erode national labour standards by mistreating migrant workers.
The Employment Rights Bill represents an important step forward, offering vital new protections for all workers. The introduction of a right for unions to access workplaces, and a requirement for employers to inform staff of their right to join a union, will be crucial in tackling the exploitation migrant workers too often face.
Unions will continue campaigning to ensure these provisions are meaningful and accessible to every worker. If we are to build public trust in our immigration system, we must demonstrate a clear commitment to protecting workers' rights and ensuring fair pay and conditions for all.
Third, we need a functioning and humane asylum system. That means clearing the backlog, speeding up decisions, and allowing asylum seekers to work while they wait.
Keeping people trapped in poverty helps no one. Letting people work would allow them to contribute, pay taxes, and start to rebuild their lives. It would reduce pressure on public services and allow us too to benefit from the skills that those fleeing persecution can bring.
A fair system doesn't mean gimmicks or cruel policies like the failed Rwanda plan but serious solutions like trialling humanitarian visas which would allow people to apply for asylum legally from abroad. This would help stop dangerous Channel crossings, break the business model of the people smugglers, and bring some much-needed order and safety to the system.
It also means increasing cooperation and bilateral deals with countries like France. That also involves making difficult decisions, like ensuring those whose asylum applications fail, return home with a humane approach and in line with our values and international obligations.
Crucially, we must back local councils with the resources they need to support integration and community cohesion – not leave them to fend for themselves.
As I said at the outset, the vast majority of the public is not anti-migrant. They are anti-chaos. People want to see competence, not culture wars. Fairness, not scapegoating. Solutions, not slogans. The left must reclaim this debate. Not by echoing the right, but by proving we can do things better.
A credible and fair migration plan, and approach to asylum, means investing in UK skills, enforcing fair rules, and building a country where workers – wherever they're from – are treated with dignity.
That's not a compromise of our values. That's what putting them into practice looks like.