Zandile Gumede's lawyer claims State has ignored court order in fraud investigation
Image: Tumi Pakkies / Independent Newspapers
It has been 10 days since the Durban High Court issued an order compelling the State to disclose evidence regarding a fraud investigation into former mayor of eThekwini, Zandile Gumede.
However, her lawyer says the State has not honoured the court's order.
Gumede is currently on trial with 21 others for money laundering, racketeering, fraud, corruption, and contravention of the Municipal Finance Management Act and the Municipal Systems Act, relating to the R320 million Durban Solid Waste (DSW) tender.
The evidence sought by the defence is a report done by Masama Consulting, which found that the appointment of the Integrity Forensic Solutions (IFS) was unlawfully made by eThekwini's City Integrity and Investigations Unit (CIIU).
According to the evidence before the court, CIIU received a stack of documents alleging irregularities in the DSW tender. The IFS was then hired to look into it. Following an investigation by the IFS, the Hawks were given the case, and arrests were made.
On Friday morning, Gumede's counsel, advocate Jay Naidoo SC, told the court that the 10 days had passed and the State had not given him anything.
Counsel appointed by the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), advocate Reshma Athmaram, told the court that they were waiting for the eThekwini city manager's response.
'Two days after the order was issued, the investigating officer served it to the accounting officer (city manager), and we haven't received a response,' she said.
Judge Sharmaine Balton said the municipality should comply with the court order.
Balton said the State needed to give the defence, among other things, a whistle-blower report dated May 9, 2023, the forensic investigation report, together with all annexures compiled by Masama Consulting (mostly referred to as the Masama report), and the CIIU's recommendations on actions to be taken.
Additionally, she said a copy of the record of the disciplinary proceedings instituted against the CIIU's top investigator by the municipality should be made available to the defence.
She added that a charge sheet served on the CIIU investigator and the outcome of the disciplinary tribunal must be given to the defence.
Additionally, the matter was postponed to Monday as the new witness, Zithulele Mkhize, did not take the stand. This was due to the 13th accused, Mkhize, being sick.
His counsel, advocate Willie Lombard, told the court that his client was sick and handed in a medical report. He submitted a copy and an original medical report.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Mail & Guardian
3 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Political gangsterism is a clear and present danger
Political mafias and 'business' became common, for example municipal contracts between former eThekwini mayor Zandile Gumede and the Delangokubona Business Forum. Photo: File It's now a little more than a decade and a half since Abahlali baseMjondolo first started to describe municipal politics in Durban in terms of gangsterism. At the time they were seldom believed in the middle-class world, which was still insulated from the criminality that was beginning to metastasise through our politics. It was only when it became clear that Jacob Zuma and the Gupta brothers were running a wholesale kleptocracy that the middle classes began to grasp aspects of the situation, but the media focus on personalities — often moralistic rather than analytical — prevented a full understanding of the scale and aspirations of the political project that had cohered around Zuma. What came to be called state capture was a bottom-up as well as a top-down project. For people whose participation in politics was driven by personal rather than social ambitions, the rules and laws intended to govern liberal democracy and governance were a barrier to personal enrichment. Many of these people understood their political project as a continuation and radicalisation of the national liberation struggle. But private enrichment for the few at the direct expense of the public good is, by its nature, predatory and socially destructive. It is indefensible to call the processes that turn public money meant for housing and hospitals into private fortunes anything other than predatory. In the Zuma years Thabo Mbeki's aspirations to build a modernising state gave way to something quite different. This is well illustrated in the rapid change in how shack settlements were governed in Durban. In the Mbeki period, the state pursued a modernist programme to 'eradicate' shack settlements — an endeavour that did not set out to rely on state violence and repression, but, as is almost inevitably the case around the world, could not proceed without violent coercion. After Zuma took office, there was often no longer an aspiration to eradicate shack settlements, but rather a desire by local political bosses to control them and extract wealth from them through the renting and sale of land and shacks and access to tenders for developmental projects. There were cases where ANC councillors encouraged land occupations, not as a social initiative, but as a means to consolidate personal power and accumulate wealth. Repression now often took a murderous form. It was no longer only driven by the state through the police but also by izinkabi, professional assassins contracted by local political operators. The targets were people who stood in the way of local rackets, rather than people resisting a centralised state programme. When Zuma was forced from office, the project that had cohered around him was not defeated. It continued to metastasise through the party and government, along a shifting set of networks, some linked to outright criminal actors. Today it expresses itself through a number of political parties, and finds willing collaborators in others. The gangsterisation of politics is part of a wider normalisation of extortion and other mafia type rackets which are now common in construction, trucking and other businesses. There can be reciprocal and, at times, open support between 'business' and political mafias, and we should not forget the attempt by the former Durban mayor, Zandile Gumede, to integrate the Delangokubona Business Forum into municipal contracting processes, or how the gangsterised elements in the trucking industry began the open breakdown in the rule of law that preceded the 2021 riots. The days when the torture of grassroots activists in local police stations after arrests ordered by ward councillors, and their assassination by the izinkabi, happened in a world wholly apart from middle-class life have passed. The middle classes are no longer insulated from the gangsterisation of politics. The systematic diversion of public money into networks of patronage and private enrichment, many well described as mafias, has led to the rapid decay of infrastructure and the collapse of basic services — a process first visible in small towns and now evident in many of our cities. The violence that has been endured by grassroots activists for years has now decisively entered the middle-class world. For some years now, whistleblowers, prosecutors, auditors and business people who resist extortion have been at real risk of assassination. Dealing with this will not be easy. One problem is that many of the people joining the ANC do so for the purposes of personal advancement rather than commitment to the party's stated principles. It is inevitable that progressive projects that achieve state power will attract opportunists and joining a solidly entrenched ruling party is a very different thing to joining a liberation movement. It is not inevitable, though, that a movement or political party will be overwhelmed by this. In Brazil, the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party) struggles with it and suffers from it but has not been overwhelmed. The emergence of new parties as the ANC's hegemony declines does not resolve the problem. The opportunity that proportional representation provides to exploit coalition politics for rapid enrichment exerts a powerful attraction for unprincipled people and the desire to participate in governance through coalitions can encourage collaboration with corrupt people and parties. The idea of the uMkhonto weSizwe party controlling a municipal or provincial budget is chilling and anyone who has followed municipal politics in Johannesburg or Ekurhuleni knows that parties like the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Patriotic Alliance and Al Jama-ah are all compromised. International experience shows just how bad things can get. From the 1970s into the 1980s, Jamaica became notorious for 'garrison politics' — urban districts controlled by political parties and enforced through armed gangs. The two main parties each developed loyal enclaves in Kingston, where access to housing, jobs, and services was mediated through party-linked 'dons'. These garrisons were simultaneously political and criminal entities. In Mexico during the same period, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) presided over a political system that blended formal democracy with one-party dominance. By the 1980s, as its patronage machine deepened and the drug economy expanded, elements of the PRI — especially at the state and municipal levels — became entangled with organised crime. Police, local bosses and party officials often operated as a single structure, using state resources for both electoral dominance and illicit enrichment. Although the PRI lost the presidency in 2000, its long period in power left an enduring pattern of blurred lines between politics, business and organised crime. In India, a deep fusion of criminality and electoral politics developed in the state of Bihar from the 1980s onwards. Parties across the spectrum have been linked to candidates with serious criminal allegations, including charges of murder, kidnapping and extortion. Some of these leaders emerged from oppressed communities and initially presented themselves in progressive terms but are now elected crime bosses. It is very difficult to undo the criminalisation of politics once it is deeply entrenched, but progress is possible. Progressive governments in Brazil under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and in Colombia under Gustavo Petro achieved significant drops in murder rates, but the deep structures linking politics and organised crime remained largely intact. In Ecuador under Rafael Correa, there was both an extraordinary drop in murder rates — from 15.4 per 100,000 in 2007 to 5.8 in 2017 — and a marked weakening of organised crime's influence over political life. The Indian state of Kerala under the Left Democratic Front and Uruguay under the Frente Amplio saw significant success in curbing the criminalisation of politics through institutional reforms. Perhaps most famously, Italy's movements against the mafia showed that entrenched criminal power can be challenged when political will and public mobilisation align. We need to act as fast and decisively as we can. Technical interventions to improve the management of public finances are essential, as are measures to strengthen policing and prosecution. Recourse to tenders needs to be avoided where possible. We also need a decisive cultural shift towards recognising that the theft of public resources is theft from the people. The looting of funds meant for public housing, hospitals and services is a direct assault on society, doing the most harm to the worst off. We cannot continue, as happened with Shauwn Mkhize, to glamourise private fortunes built on plundered public wealth. But, above all, we must recover an emancipatory project — a politics rooted in a genuine commitment to the collective good and a credible vision of social progress. Richard Pithouse is distinguished research fellow at the Global Centre for Advanced Studies, an international research scholar at the University of Connecticut and professor at large at the University of the Western Cape.

IOL News
4 hours ago
- IOL News
Govender brothers face trial for murder at Durban High Court
Murder accused Govender brothers, Ferrel and Darren. Image: Nomonde Zondi The murder accused Govender brothers, Darren and Ferrel, who are owners of a security company, Pro-Secure, will be going for their pre-trial conference at the Durban High Court later this year. This is after they made a brief appearance in the Durban Magistrates Court on Friday morning, where they were served with their indictments. The brothers were arrested in January 2025 for the murder of Durban businessman Shailen Singh. Singh was shot dead at Umhlanga Ridge on December 29, 2024. The cause of his death was multiple gunshot wounds to the head and torso. The State is alleging that the murder was pre-planned by the brothers, with Ferrel identified as the shooter. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ In the High Court, Darren, 36, is the first accused, and his older brother, Ferrel, 41, is the second accused. Ferrel is also facing 14 charges: murder, two counts of assault, two counts of assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, five counts of crimen injuria, a data message that threatens violence, attempted murder, and two counts of unlawful possession of a firearm. According to the State, Ferrel was previously divorced, and at some stage in 2024, he got into a relationship with Varushka Maharaj. 'Maharaj was previously romantically involved with Byron Moodley,' the State said. On May 18, 2024, Ferrel called Moodley, swore at him, and threatened him with violence. Moodley ended the call, and when he later called Ferrel, he threatened his life. In June, while Moodley was at Cubana, he was confronted by Ferrel and a companion. They both assaulted Moodley by shoving and kicking him. On July 4, Moodley applied for a protection order against Ferrel; however, attempts to serve him with it were unsuccessful. 'On July 5, Ferrel communicated with Moodley via a messaging service and again threatened Moodley's life and swore at him. This continued on July 6 and 7,' the State alleges. Moreover, the State alleges that Ferrel was romantically involved with Salona Ramrutton/Kisten. Ramrutton/ Kisten was residing in one of Ferrel's houses at Kindlewood Estate, where Singh also resided. At some stage, Ferrel became aware that Ramrutton/Kisten had been involved in a sexual relationship with Singh. 'This resulted in a strain in their relationship, which resulted in verbal and physical abuse of her,' the State said. On December 21, 2024, the State alleges that Ferrel assaulted her, and she sought medical treatment. The following day, Ferrel requested Ramrutton/Kisten to visit him, and she obliged. He assaulted her, armed himself with an unlicensed firearm, and fired shots at her. 'Although she was not struck by the bullets, she was thereafter admitted into the hospital with serious injuries,' the State alleges. Additionally, the State alleges that Ferrel, who was enraged with Singh having an affair with Ramrutton/Kisten, conspired with Darren to kill him. The brothers will appear at the High Court on November 13.

IOL News
8 hours ago
- IOL News
Murder most foul: Allegations of murder and self-harm in the Corrine Jackson trial
Murder accused Corrine Jackson and her wife Erin on their wedding day. Jackson is on trial for the murder of her estranged girlfriend, Nadine Esterhuizen. Image: File Murder accused Corrine Jackson told medical staff after her arrest that she had sustained injuries, which was confirmed to possibly be self-inflicted. She claimed she was harmed because she was fighting with someone who died while they used knives. Jackson was arrested on the afternoon of September 27 2017 for the murder of her estranged girlfriend, Nadine Esterhuizen. Esterhuizen, 18, of Mitchell's Plain, was a matriculant at Athlone High School and opened up a case of assault and a protection order against Jackson prior to her death, following an incident at Strandfontein Pavillion. The State is set to prove that Jackson, attempted to behead Esterhuizen inside a house in Colorado Park, Mitchell's Plain and stabbed her 21 times. Jackson was arrested after she was found inside a locked bathroom and had two daggers in her possession. This week while the trial commenced at the Mitchell's Plain Regional Court, crime fighters together with the Community Policing Forum including the public via social media expressed their outrage because she was out on bail for eight years while facing a Schedule 6 offence - and called for her to face life behind bars without the option for parole. Jackson is out on R5000 bail, and is being represented by Advocate Asghar Mia. Jackson was denied bail following her arrest in 2017 in which Magistrate Alvira Bezuidehout stated she was a danger to another potential victim. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Slain Nadine Esterhuizen, 18, was murdered. Image: File Jackson was then imprisoned for six months at Pollsmoor Prison but was granted bail in June 2018, after Advocate William Booth took her new application to the Western Cape High Court. Following her release on bail, Jackson got married to her wife Erin and was also charged with two cases of common assault relating to relatives of her spouse, and it is unclear what has since happened with these cases. On Wednesday, as Forensic State Pathologist, Varushka Bachan took the witness stand, she was asked to use her experience and qualifications in Emergency Medical Services and as a Medical Practitioner, to explain the medical report obtained following Jackson's arrest. Jackson had wounds, which were described as superficial lacerations to her neck and above the hip and chest which was coded yellow which was not life threatening. Dr Bachan said according to the records by the Doctor who had attended to her, the wounds appeared to be self-inflected and that she was to be placed on suicide watch. She said the records stated that Jackson claimed it was sustained during an altercation: 'The history was fighting with another person, they used knives and the other person had demised.' The State asked whether the wounds were self-inflicted based on its location on the body, to which Bachan said was very possible. She further stated that the records showed Jackson had older self-inflicted wounds, which were now scars. While Bachan described all of this, Jackson for the first time since the trial commenced, reacted to what had been said and asked to speak with her lawyer. Esterhuizen was stabbed 21 times and had defensive wounds to her hands and fingers. The trial continues on November 4. Get your news on the go, click here to join the Cape Argus News WhatsApp channel. Cape Argus