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Putin, profit and peace: How Trump went from American eagle to cooing pigeon

Putin, profit and peace: How Trump went from American eagle to cooing pigeon

What happened? How did he get from demanding a ceasefire under threat of 'very severe consequences' to '10 out of 10' with no ceasefire? And no consequences?
'It's bewildering,' says Peter Tesch, Australia's former ambassador to Moscow. 'Of course it fuels conspiracy theories that Putin has something over Trump.
'But I don't know why Trump goes to water every time he encounters Putin. He's enthralled. Putin turns Trump the bully into this cowed, servile individual. You see it time and time again. The man who said that we have to put an end to the killing has now accepted that killing should continue.
'The sight of American troops on their knees literally rolling out the red carpet for Putin in front of a plane with the word 'Russia' emblazoned on it really tells you where the true balance of power lies.'
Even worse for US credibility, Trump gave the Russian dictator, a pariah in the West, a precious political gift. A professor of strategic studies at Scotland's University of St Andrews, Phillips P. O'Brien, observes: 'Trump has begun the process of normalising relations with war criminal Putin.' It was the first meeting between a US leader and a Russian one in four years. Putin has been invited in from the cold.
Trump went further. He also appears to have given Putin geopolitical gold. Trump said that, instead of a ceasefire, the US and Russia would now 'go for' a full peace agreement. The Fox News interviewer Sean Hannity put to Trump: 'Most people think this ends with some land swaps ... and what Ukraine wants and needs desperately is a security measure that won't be NATO-related. Is that how this ends?'
Trump: 'Those are points that we negotiated and points that we largely have agreed upon. I think we have agreed on a lot ... Ukraine has to agree to it, maybe they'll say no.' O'Brien's interpretation: 'So Trump has largely agreed on land swaps with Putin and now [Ukrainian president Volodomyr] Zelensky needs to act. Go ahead Ukraine – time for you to commit suicide!'
Zelensky is bound to reject the suicide option. He's travelling to the White House to meet Trump and taking along a European cheer squad. The leaders of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Finland and the European Union will join the negotiation.
But while they're supporting Ukraine, their interests are not identical to Ukraine's. The British and European leaders want Ukraine to emerge from the war sovereign and intact, but they also want to keep Trump committed to the NATO alliance. This means that 'Ukraine's fate is hostage to the wider security negotiation with Europe,' as Peter Tesch puts it.
We are still left to wonder how Putin turned the fierce American eagle into a cooing pigeon in just a few hours. And we have a clue. Although the news coverage largely overlooked it, while the leaders were meant to talk peace, they also talked profit.
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Putin's entourage included Russia's big-money man, Kirill Dmitriev, chief executive of Russia's sovereign wealth fund. He said after the summit that 'it's very important that President Trump outlined the significant economic potential of co-operation between the US and Russia'.
Putin seemed pretty keen, too. 'It's clear,' he said, 'that US and Russian investment and business cooperation has tremendous potential. Russia and the US can offer each other so much.'
Trump needed no convincing. He volunteered to the press: 'We also have some tremendous Russian business representatives here. And I think you know, everybody wants to deal with us. We've become the hottest country anywhere in the world in a very short period of time. And we look forward to dealing. We're going to try and get this over with.' Get what 'over with'? He seems to have been referring to the Ukraine negotiations.
This casts Trump's agenda in a different light. Putin may be waging a 'disgusting' war. Trump wants to make a killing of a different sort. He went into the meeting threatening to cut off Putin's petrodollars and came out wanting some of them instead.
The Russian president's final remark at the post-summit press conference was the only time he used English. Just four words, spoken with an impish grin: 'Next time in Moscow.'
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Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin
Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin

Sky News AU

time20 minutes ago

  • Sky News AU

Still no ambassador, still no red carpet: Albanese-Trump meeting still far away despite US President's 'bear hug' with adversary-turned-cooperator Vladimir Putin

The shockwaves from the historic meeting between the US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin are continuing to reverberate throughout the West world and beyond. Many analysts and lip-readers – seemingly a new craze in today's media landscape – are reading too much into the body language between the two leaders. Basic observations, from the red carpet to the display of US air power and the pair's ride in the armoured presidential limousine known as 'The Beast', have passed for hard-hitting geopolitical analysis. Amid all this, there are some core take away points which need to be revisited. Despite the warm and welcoming atmosphere, the Alaska 2025 meeting was not an easy endeavour. The initially declared six to seven hours of combined talks were cut down to under three hours. The scheduled business lunch was cancelled. Still, it was a breakthrough, certainly for Putin. For Europe and Ukraine, the meeting felt more like a bear hug. Here is why. The lucky seven for Putin? The Trump-Putin meeting in Alaska was their seventh face-to-face get together as presidents. It might end up being the most memorable of all. First, and perhaps most importantly, the outcome of the Alaska bilateral was the reduced risk (at least for now) of an open confrontation between the two nuclear superpowers over the proxy conflict in Ukraine. The warm pragmatic atmosphere embraced by the US and Russian delegations (members of which were clearly cherry-picked by both presidents, also to avoid any potential mishaps) demonstrated the will to work through major strategic issues, including on the urgent matter of strategic nuclear weapons control. It is a major win for Trump who – like Putin - takes the risk of nuclear confrontation more seriously than many believe he does. Second, it was a symbolic recognition of Russia as a top tier power. In his interview with Fox News' Sean Hannity, Trump underlined the importance of engaging with Russia as a major power: 'It's good when two big powers get along, especially when they're nuclear powers,' he said. 'We're number one, they're number two in the world. And it's a big deal. That's a big deal.' Indeed, this is a big deal for Putin, less with respect to how Europe and Ukraine will look at him and Moscow now, and more about how this recognition would be perceived by major players of the Global South, among them China, India and Brazil. In the same interview Trump also recognised risks of Russia-China strategic reproachment, for which he blamed Barak Obama, but more Joe Biden. 'Biden did something really unthinkable…. he drove China and Russia together. That's not good,' he said. But Trump's assumption that Russia and China are inherently rivals, and that friction between the two can therefore be achieved, may prove to be too optimistic. The mutual mistrust in Russia-West relations and the deepening interdependence of Russia-China strategic ties are too strong to be shaken by personal chemistry between Trump and Putin and promises of economic and trade concessions. Prior to flying to Alaska, Putin held a phone conversation with Xi, potentially to brief him on what the Russians were planning to discuss with US counterparts. It is also worth noting that at the time of the Alaska summit, the Russian and Chinese navies were taking part in yet another joint maritime patrol in the north-western Pacific, another indication that neither power were ready to ease off on their deepening alliance. And let's not forget the relationship between Russia and the DPRK. Third, it seems that Putin convinced Trump as to the credibility of Russia's narrative on Ukraine, also by insisting not on a temporary ceasefire, which Kyiv is aggressively pursuing, but on a permanent peace settlement with a long-lasting effect. This is another win for Putin, even though he may need to show compromise along the way. It's now up to Trump to convince America's European allies and Ukrainian President Volodimir Zelensky to agree to a deal that was reportedly floated by Russia in Anchorage. Alternatively, the Russians will press on with their offensive and Europe risks being left to sort out the unwinnable war in Ukraine by itself. The meeting in Alaska was another example of Trump's traditionalist approach to prioritising business with powers of similar strategic weight to America, while other players must wait their turn, or until they are called in. Regrettably, Australia under Anthony Albanese is no exception, despite our time-proven standing as America's trusted ally in the Indo-Pacific. No red carpet for Albanese That certainly appears to be the case, in the land far far away. As a start, the White House has not appointed its new ambassador to Australia, an awkward repeat of the 2017 situation during Trump's 45th Presidency. Apparently, the government's decision to recognise Palestine did not go down well in Washington, which was communicated by the US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee. 'There is an enormous level of disappointment, and some disgust,' he told ABC's 7.30 report on Thursday. Trump could still extend a bear hug to the PM, as strategic cooperation, including on AUKUS Pillar II, sits on the backburner. Bear in mind the Trump administration is still yet to release the results of a wide-reaching review into the tripartite security agreement. Albanese got to walk on the red carpet, at least in China, during his second official visit last month. A third visit can surely be arranged if the man from Marrickville is in dire need of some more political stardust. Beijing won't mind, I suspect. Oh wait. Putin will get one first when he visits Beijing in early September as the guest of honour to join Chinese grand festivities marking the 80th anniversary of the end of the war in the Pacific. Once again, we'll have to wait for our turn on the red carpet. Dr. Alexey Muraviev is Associate Professor of National Security and Strategic Studies at Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia.

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