IDF destroys Hamas weapon caches, hundreds of meters of terror tunnels in Gaza
The Nahal Brigade Combat Team, under the 162nd Division, located and destroyed rocket launchers, weapons stockpiles, booby-trapped structures, and observation posts during operations in the Gaza Strip, the IDF confirmed on Thursday.
In one case, long-range rocket launchers were discovered adjacent to a building that had previously served as a school.
The Nahal Brigade remains deployed in the Gaza Strip, continuing efforts to neutralize threats and defend Israeli civilians, the IDF noted.
Simultaneously, the Southern Brigade, operating under the Gaza Division (143), completed a focused mission in southern Gaza's security zone aimed at uncovering underground terrorist infrastructure.
Working alongside the elite Yahalom combat engineering unit, troops exposed and demolished atunnel route stretching several hundred meters, with multiple exit shafts, some of which were rigged with explosives.
During the operation, soldiers identified a terrorist cell emerging from one of the shafts and quickly eliminated the threat.
The IDF reported that dozens of terrorists have been killed during the broader campaign, and extensive infrastructure has been destroyed.
According to the military, the expanded security perimeter is intended to enhance protection for Western Negev communities.
Operations in the Gaza Strip are ongoing, the IDF said, with the goal of dismantling terrorist capabilities and safeguarding Israeli lives.
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Los Angeles Times
6 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
‘Kill them all': Sectarian violence turns Syrian city into a slaughterhouse
SWEIDA, Syria — The last thing Hatem Radhwan heard the fighters say was, 'Kill them all. We don't want them identifying us.' That's when the five gunmen, clad in desert camouflage uniforms and who claimed they were with Syria's Ministry of Defense, cocked their AK-47 rifles, shouted, 'You pigs!' and sprayed the room with bullets. Radhwan, a 70-year-old blacksmith, felt a bullet or a piece of debris — he couldn't tell — graze his upper lip. He fell to the ground as the gunmen continued to fire. Rashad Abu Saadeh, a neighbor who hid in his apartment across the street, heard the gunfire. 'For more than half a minute they kept shooting,' he said. 'It felt like a long, long time.' The killings at the Radhwan family salon were part of a paroxysm of sectarian violence that engulfed the Druze-majority city of Sweida last week. The fighting, which involved tank and mortar bombardment, summary executions and Israeli airstrikes, left some 1,380 dead, displaced more than 120,000 others — and turned what once was a well-appointed city, largely spared the ravages of Syria's 14-year civil war, into a slaughterhouse. 'There isn't a single home in the whole province that isn't grieving someone,' said Randa Mihrez, one of the coroners at Sweida National Hospital. A truce halted the clashes — which began this month between Bedouin clans and the Druze religious minority — but the tallying of the losses continues. Mihrez's colleague Akram Naim scrolled through images of the 509 corpses brought to the hospital's courtyard during the fighting. They were transferred to a mass grave on Wednesday after days of decomposing in the summer heat. 'The youngest victim was 3 months old, killed by shrapnel that hit her stomach,' he said. He clicked on another photo — a young girl, her head turned to the side, with a morose expression on her face. A scarlet line ran across her throat. 'This one was 14. She was slaughtered,' Naim said, his voice subdued. 'These are only the people we know about and who could reach us,' Mihrez said, adding that many victims were buried in makeshift graves near people's homes because the hospital had been surrounded during much of the battles. 'The final tally will be much worse,' he said. At the Radhwan house, the blacksmith finally dared to open his eyes five minutes after the gunmen left, only to find 17 of his family members bloodied around him. Thirteen were killed outright; four others survived but remain in critical condition, while a fifth relative died later. Radhwan was the only one mostly unharmed. 'They were screaming, and I tried to move them, to help them somehow. But I kept slipping on the blood,' Radhwan said, his gaze following the brown-red stain that crept from the couch down to the salon floor. 'One relative was bleeding out and barely alive. He was begging, 'Shoot me.' But I had no weapons on me. I would have done it otherwise,' he said. The crisis in Sweida, which comes at the heels of similar bouts of sectarian bloodshed against minorities by state-aligned groups, highlights the challenges facing interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, who seized power in December after leading a coalition of rebel groups to topple longtime dictator Bashar Assad. Though he received support from President Trump — who fast-tracked the lifting of sanctions, reopened the U.S. Embassy in Damascus and dispatched an envoy who has championed the new government — Al-Sharaa has so far failed to convince rival factions to centralize under his authority, and his government forces have essentially aligned themselves with the Bedouins. Instead, the euphoria over Assad's ouster has been replaced by sense of foreboding among many Syrians, especially minorities, who distrust Al-Sharaa's Islamist past. More hard-line members of his faction, the onetime Al Qaeda-affiliated Hayat Tahrir al Sham, view Druze as heretics who should be killed. That has been especially true for the Druze, adherents of a syncretic sect that is an offshoot of Shiite Islam who constitute some 3% of Syria's population. There are an estimated 1 million Druze worldwide, half of them in Syria and the rest in Lebanon, Israel and elsewhere. Many Syrian Druze speak proudly — and often — of their sect's role in building the country's nationalist consciousness, with families touting their filial link to Sultan Al-Atrash, a revolutionary who mounted an uprising against French rule in Syria in the 1920s. Sweida, both the city and the eponymously named province, are the only areas of the country with a Druze majority. During the civil war, Sweida kept a wary distance from both Assad and the opposition, and government allowed it some measure of autonomy. Since Assad's exit, prominent figures in the Druze community have sought to have a good relationship with Damascus, but the militias have rejected integration under Al-Sharaa's armed services, which they say are composed of unruly factions not totally under the interim leader's control. When tit-for-tat kidnappings and robberies between Bedouins and Druze escalated into open warfare this month, the government mobilized its forces to restore order. But Druze residents accused them of engaging in a sectarian killing rampage, and fought back. Israel, which since Assad's exit occupies wide swaths of its northern neighbor's border areas and has demanded south Syria be a demilitarized zone, responded to demands from its own Druze to protect their coreligionists and launched airstrikes targeting the Damascus headquarters of the Syrian army and the presidential palace. It also struck forces in Sweida, forcing them to withdraw. In the aftermath of those strikes, Al-Sharaa accused Israel of interfering in Syrian affairs and trying to keep the country weak. But on Thursday, the U.S. special envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, said he met with Syrian and Israeli officials in Paris to broker 'dialogue and de-escalation' — the first high-level talks between the two countries since 2000. 'And we accomplished precisely that. All parties reiterated their commitment to continuing these efforts,' Barrack wrote on X on Thursday. Meanwhile, the mood in the city of Sweida remains tense. Standing near the fire-blackened husk of an Israeli-hit tank, Yamen Zughayer, a Druze faction commander, looked down a road leading out of Sweida. 'There are still bodies of our people we can't get back. A sniper is waiting for us down there,' he said. He walked down a side street, pointing out the singed remains of houses that he said were torched by Bedouins and government-linked fighters. 'For 14 years of the war, nothing happened to Sweida. [For] three hours the government came in, and look what happened,' he said. Zughayer, a 35-year-old who usually worked as a car dealer, said the tragedies inflicted on Sweida proved Druze suspicious of Al-Sharaa were correct. 'What do you think would have happened if we didn't have our guns? We're sitting here talking to you because of them,' Zughayer said, adding that he wouldn't accept any solution that didn't involve the militiamen retaining their arms. Hashem Thabet, another fighter standing nearby, said although he did not want Israel controlling the territory, the actions of the Syrian government were driving Druze like him away. 'I don't care who comes to protect me as long as they do it. If it's Israel, then welcome Israel,' he said. The government, he added, is 'pushing us into its arms.' A few miles away from where he stood vigil, on a bare mountain outside Sweida's outskirts, Basel Abu Saab looked with grim satisfaction at the trench he had dug with his bulldozer — a mass grave for 149 people from the hospital who were either unidentified or whose families were unable to bury them. 'Initially, we wanted to bury them in the hospital's backyard, but administrators worried we'd contaminate the water reservoir,' Abu Saab said. 'The bodies were decomposing too much in the sun, they were becoming unrecognizable. We just couldn't wait anymore.' Yes, the location chosen for the mass grave was far from the city, he added, but it also was far from the fighting. Abu Saab trudged back to the nearby road, walking around a pit where he had buried the blood-soiled body bags, his nose wrinkling at the scent. From the pit's edge, the edge of a hospital garment peeked out, fluttering erratically in the dusk breeze.
Vox
7 minutes ago
- Vox
Is anyone going to stop a looming death spiral in Gaza?
covers politics Vox. She first joined Vox in 2019, and her work has also appeared in Politico, Washington Monthly, and the New Republic. Palestinians carrying pans gather to receive hot meals, distributed by a charity organization in Gaza City, where residents are struggling to access food due to the ongoing Israeli blockade and attacks on July 23, 2025. Khames Alrefi/Anadolu via Getty Images Gaza is on the brink of a mass starvation crisis, and once it starts, it will be difficult if not impossible to stop. The Palestinian population of the Gaza Strip has faced various levels of food insecurity throughout the war that Israel has waged on the territory since Hamas's October 7, 2023, attack, fluctuating with the amount of aid Israel has allowed to enter the enclave via checkpoints it controls. In March 2024, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) — the primary organization tracking food insecurity worldwide — issued a warning that every resident of Gaza was at risk of crisis levels of food insecurity, and half were at risk of famine. (Crisis levels are reached when a population has 'food consumption gaps alongside acute malnutrition' or is 'only just able to meet their food needs, resorting to crisis coping strategies like selling off essential livelihood assets.' Famine is the most serious form of hunger, involving a complete lack of access to food and resulting starvation and death.) A famine was never officially declared, and food access peaked during the negotiated ceasefire reached in January. In March, Israel cut off all shipments into the Gaza Strip, including food aid, when the ceasefire expired. Israel justified it as a tactical strategy to get Hamas to release more Israeli hostages as part of continuing negotiations. The flow of humanitarian aid has since slowed to a trickle under the purview of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a private group backed by the US and Israeli governments. It began operating in May, and is the sole entity that has been allowed to deliver food. Almost one-third of the 2.1 million people remaining in Gaza are not eating for multiple days in a row, according to the United Nations World Food Programme. Israel has also made it treacherous for hungry Gazans to even access food from the GHF. The UN estimates that the Israeli military has killed more than 1,000 Palestinians trying to get aid in Gaza since May. There are four GHF distribution centers throughout Gaza, three of which are in areas where the Israeli military has issued evacuation orders, and they are often only open for short periods of time, sometimes spurring crowds to rush to get provisions. After enduring more than 21 months in a war zone with inadequate nutrition, the population of Gaza is worn down, and humanitarian groups say that imminent famine will likely cause many to die — not just from hunger, but also from preventable disease that their bodies can no longer fight off. To understand how Gaza got to this point and what happens next, I spoke with Jeremy Konyndyk, president of Refugees International, an organization that advocates for humanitarian assistance and protection for displaced people. Our conversation below has been edited for length and clarity. How has access to food in Gaza changed throughout the course of the war? What happened from really almost the start of the war through all of last year was a population that was hovering right at the edge of a starvation emergency, but never quite dipping fully into it. The Israeli government had been hugely restricting aid through January and February of 2024. The warning of potential famine came out in early March [2024], and then they subsequently allowed a great deal more aid in in April, and the situation improved. Some of the concessions that the Israelis then made in late March into April, and somewhat beyond that, really did make a meaningful difference. And then the Rafah offensive started in May, and things worsened again after that. The period of the ceasefire [beginning in January 2025] was the best period for aid access since the war began. For six weeks, hundreds of aid trucks were coming in every day. There was relative freedom of movement and freedom of operation for aid organizations who previously had been heavily, heavily constricted by [Israel Defense Forces] operations and permission structures. There was always just enough that would be allowed in to prevent the kind of full-blown famine outcomes that I think we're now beginning to see. Why is the population of Gaza now on the brink of starvation? If you fully cut someone off [from food] when they are otherwise in good health, it's going to take longer for them to deteriorate. If they have spent a year-plus being one step removed from starvation, then they're much more vulnerable. Another shock to their system has the risk to be much, much more damaging. I think that's what we're now seeing, when Israel withdrew from the ceasefire in March and imposed a total, complete, hermetic blockade on Gaza. There was, for a while, enough residual aid that had been brought in during the population could stretch that out and and make do for a while before the deprivation really started to bite again. I would argue what we're seeing is still effectively an extension of that blockade, because the primary aid that Israel has been allowing in is through this Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which is not a meaningful factor in terms of the hunger situation in Gaza. The amounts they've been letting in are vanishingly small. This Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is distributing modest amounts of very poor quality aid to, as far as we can tell, a pretty limited number of people: the ones who happen to be able to get to their sites, which is not most of the population. The cost of a bag of flour has gone up from 50 shekels during the ceasefire earlier this year to over 1,700 now. What happens if famine sets in now? When you have a population that is that stressed, whose health has deteriorated that much, or is [already] in such an advanced state of population-level food deprivation and malnutrition, then things can turn bad very rapidly, because there is nothing to stand in the way of starvation. We have seen this kind of a trajectory in other settings before. Once people's coping mechanisms are exhausted, once their food and financial reserves are exhausted, once their bodies are in a very weakened state due to sustained malnutrition over a long period of time, then it doesn't take much to kill someone. It is very hard for your body to fight off disease or survive an injury, or even just survive. In most famines, we see mortality coming from a mix of both outright starvation and opportunistic infections. So people's bodies are greatly weakened, and they can't fight off diseases that would otherwise be very survivable. There is nothing coming on the horizon to improve that situation unless the Israeli government allows the mainstream professional humanitarian community to actually do their fucking jobs, and that is the one thing they will not allow. Famines have a momentum, and the longer that they are allowed to deepen, the harder they are to reverse. You need your standard food aid package distributed at scale. But you also need specialized, fortified food products, because people are in such an advanced state of malnutrition. You need advanced therapeutic malnutrition treatment, because a lot more people are now going to be coming into an advanced state of malnutrition that requires inpatient malnutrition treatment. You need clean water because the food that's being distributed has to be prepared with water. You need fuel so that people can cook the foods. You need medical treatment because many people who die in a famine die of disease, rather than outright starvation. And you need to improve sanitation, because if people do not have good sanitation, that's what allows the spread of waterborne diseases. None of that's possible right now. Why in your view has the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation been so ineffective? A core principle of humanitarian aid delivery is you want to get the aid as close to where the population is as possible. Gaza Humanitarian Foundation inverts that: They make the people come to the aid, rather than bringing the aid to the people. And they make people come to the aid through a deeply insecure territory, past IDF forces, who have been consistently trigger-happy anytime they see a crowd of Palestinians nearby. I and others warned very early on that this was likely to produce massacres, that this model was a recipe for disaster. Another core principle of humanitarian aid is that you must not provide aid in a way that increases the risk to the population. There's a very strongly ingrained ethos of 'do no harm.' This is a 'do harm' ethos, if anything. You're creating a situation where, in order to access aid, you compel people to cross a military perimeter where they are routinely shot at. That is not humanitarianism. Some advocates have suggested that Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war. Do you agree with that? That's indisputable. It's explicit. They want Hamas to relent, and they see the starvation of the population as a pressure point there. Do you think the US is complicit in that? I think the US is certainly complicit in that. I think even the Biden administration bears a degree of complicity in that, because they put somewhat more pressure on the Israeli government than the Trump administration has. But fundamentally, they tolerated the situation that brought Gaza to this point. They tolerated a year-plus of starvation tactics being used, deprivation and illegal blockade tactics being used, and obstruction of aid, including aid provided by the US government. Rather than taking that on with the Netanyahu government, they did gimmick after gimmick. They did air drops. They did that ridiculous pier operation. It wasn't until nearly the very end of the administration that they sent the formal letter to the Israeli government demanding concrete progress. And then, of course, there was no meaningful progress.
7 minutes ago
Growing concerns over starvation in Gaza as death toll rises
More than 1,000 people have also been killed by Israeli gunfire near aid distribution sites in Gaza, according to the United Nations.
