
Pakistan to create military force to supervise missiles after India conflict
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif announced the creation of the Army Rocket Force late Wednesday at a ceremony held in Islamabad to commemorate the conflict with India in May, the worst in decades.
The ceremony was held a day ahead of Pakistan's 78th Independence Day.
The force "will be equipped with modern technology," Sharif said in a statement from his office.
"This force, capable of targeting the enemy from all sides, will prove to be yet another milestone with regard to further strengthening our conventional war capability," he said later in a speech broadcast on Thursday by local TV news channels.
He did not give any further details.
A senior security official, however, said that the force would have its own command in the military which will be dedicated to handling and deployment of missiles in any event of a conventional war.
"It is obvious that it is meant for India," he said.
The two nuclear-armed nations have kept upgrading their military capabilities, fuelling a longstanding rivalry since their independence from British rule in 1947.
Tension between the two countries soared in April over the killing of 26 civilians in Indian Kashmir, an attack New Delhi blamed on Islamabad. Pakistan denied involvement.
A conflict erupted in May that saw both sides using missiles, drones and fighter jets, before it ended with a cease-fire announcement by U.S. President Donald Trump.
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Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
The West must not be frightened by dictator Putin, warns Britain's head of Armed Forces
Britain's top military chief has fired a warning shot to the West to not be cowered by Vladimir Putin. In a rare and hard-hitting intervention, Admiral Sir Tony Radakin - the head of Britain's Armed Forces - urged NATO to be 'assertive in every domain', from nuclear weapons to cyberspace, as Donald Trump gears up for a high-stakes one-on-one with the Russian president in Alaska tomorrow. Sir Tony's comments come amid fears that Trump could cut a peace deal over Ukraine that sidelines Kyiv 's president, Volodymyr Zelensky. But the US president has insisted he won't be pushed around, declaring Putin 'wouldn't mess with me' and promising swift action - either a breakthrough or more sanctions - if talks collapse. Speaking from the Oval Office, Trump vowed to 'set the table for the next meeting' and warned: 'If it's a bad meeting, it will end very quickly, and if it's a good meeting, we will end up having peace in the very near future'. European leaders have been rattled by the possibility of Trump and Putin striking a deal without their input. But Trump offered reassurance, saying a second meeting - potentially involving Zelensky and selected European leaders - would be where the 'real' decisions are made. 'The more important meeting will be the second meeting that we're having, we're going to have a meeting with President Putin, President Zelensky, myself and European leaders, maybe not,' he said. Sir Tony's comments come amid fears that Trump could cut a peace deal over Ukraine that sidelines Kyiv 's president, Volodymyr Zelensky 'The second meeting is going to be very, very important, because that's going to be a meeting where they make a deal. And I don't want to use the word 'divvy' things up. But you know, to a certain extent, it's not a bad term'. Marking the 80th anniversary of VJ Day in The Telegraph, Sir Tony stressed NATO's post-war unity, arguing: 'Putin doesn't want a war with NATO because he would lose. So we should not be cowed by his rhetoric or his campaign of sabotage, outrageous as it may be'. He added: 'The one weapon that is most needed in our arsenal is confidence'. Sir Tony dismissed claims of major Russian advances, revealing they've taken less than 0.4 per cent of Ukrainian territory this year, despite losing over a million soldiers killed or wounded. Meanwhile, Putin arrived in the US flanked by foreign minister Sergei Lavrov and defence minister Andrei Belousov. In a calculated charm offensive, the Kremlin leader praised Washington's 'energetic' push for peace - comments Trump brushed aside, again warning: 'I am president, and he's not going to mess around with me'. Zelensky, notably excluded from Friday's meeting, was in London yesterday for talks with Sir Keir Starmer, posting online that they discussed 'security guarantees' to make any peace deal lasting. Behind the scenes, Trump is said to be ready to tempt Putin with lucrative incentives - including access to rare earth minerals in occupied Ukraine, lifting sanctions on Russian aircraft, and even tapping into Alaska's natural resources. US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent is reportedly weighing up economic trade-offs to speed up a ceasefire. But Trump has privately admitted there is still a one-in-four chance the summit will fail. It comes after Trump warned Putin 'there will be very severe consequences' if Russia does not agree to stop the war in Ukraine after their meeting on Friday. The US President took a tougher tone against the dictator on Wednesday saying he was yet to be convinced he would be able to persuade Putin to stop killing civilians. European leaders also said Trump had agreed to make an immediate ceasefire at the start of negotiations a priority - something that will be painful for Moscow which is gaining territory by the day. US Vice President JD Vance on Wednesday said Trump had vowed that they would 'bring peace to Europe' in a speech at RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire. JD Vance on Wednesday said the US President had vowed that they would 'bring peace to Europe' in a speech at RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire He channelled the spirit of how America and Britain had brought peace by victory in World War Two after spending the week with Foreign Secretary David Lammy at Chevening House in Kent. Describing what he and Lammy had discussed, the Vice President said: 'What we did is we worked on one of our most important shared security goals in Europe, which is the end of the war between Russia and Ukraine. 'The President of the United States came in six months ago, and I just talked to him right before I came on the stage, and he said very simply that we are going to make it our mission as an administration to bring peace to Europe once again.' It marked a successful day of European diplomacy after Trump's deeply concerning press conference on Monday where he appeared to blame Zelensky for the war and take a softer stance against Putin.


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
India and Pakistan tensions spill over into contest over whose flagpole is bigger
At a remote, monsoon-soaked border checkpoint, Indian soldiers will mark Independence Day by raising the country's tricolour on a mast that towers above a Pakistani flag flying just across the frontier – part of an ongoing vertical duel in South Asia's fraught politics. Call it flag warfare: a contest not of weapons but of height, waged by two nuclear-armed neighbours that only three months ago fought a four-day battle which threatened to escalate into full-scale war. This year's flagpole frontline is Sadqi, a quiet patchwork of wheat fields in northern Punjab state's Fazilka district. India's Tiranga, or tricolour, will fly from a new 200-foot (61-metre) galvanised-iron mast. Across the barbed-wire frontier at Sulemanki, Pakistan's green-and-white Parcham-e-Sitāra-o-Hilāl flutters from a 165-foot (50-metre) pole. 'While this 'flagpole war' might look like just a symbolic contest, it's freighted with emotional and nationalist overtones, especially in the context of the India-Pakistan rivalry, where tensions touch people's lives on both sides,' says Indian military expert Rahul Bedi. Pakistan celebrated its Independence Day on Thursday, a day before India's national holiday. Pakistani leaders delivered customary barbed speeches against India. India countered, warning Pakistan to temper its 'reckless war-mongering' or face 'painful consequences.' The neighbours have fought four wars since independence, along with countless smaller skirmishes. Each evening, India stages three flag-lowering ceremonies along its heavily militarised Punjab border with Pakistan, including at Sadqi. Flagpole one-upmanship is now a tradition woven into the pomp of the nightly flag-lowering ceremonies, which are part military drill, part nationalist pep rally. The biggest and most famous ceremony is at the Attari-Wagah crossing. It started in 1959, 12 years after the subcontinent was split into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan following the end of British colonial rule. As the Attari-Wagah ceremony grew more elaborate – and more belligerent – the rivalry moved skyward: India planted a 360-foot (110-metre) pole in 2017; Pakistan countered with a 400-foot (122-metre) mast. Six years later, India went taller again at 418 feet (127 metres). Pakistan's latest response is not another pole but plans for a multimillion-dollar Mughal-style stadium, set to triple seating to 25,000, along with a museum and a theme park. The Attari-Wagah ceremony began when Indian and Pakistani officers, many once comrades in the British colonial army, agreed to lower their flags simultaneously each evening – a sign of respect and shared discipline despite nationalist animosity. Over time, though, that simple ritual became an hour-long, high-octane display of choreographed combativeness. Grandstands overflow with spectators waving flags and chanting: 'Pakistan Zindabad!' from one side, 'India Zindabad!' and 'Bharat Mata ki Jai!' from the other. India's Border Security Force jawans, in khaki uniforms with red fan-shaped turbans, red-and-gold sashes, white gloves, and black boots, march in unison with Pakistan Rangers, in black uniforms with green accents and tall ceremonial hats. Both sides pick their tallest men who stomp, kick their legs skywards, and slam their heels in precise, mirrored movements. At the flag-lowering ceremonies, Indian and Pakistani soldiers do not rehearse together, but they match each other's moves. The sequence, pace, and gestures are set by tradition, with each side adjusting to mirror the other's steps, stomps and salutes. It's 'pure theatre,' says Bedi. 'It's a grand stage for showing off patriotism, all about the spectacle.' 'The flagpole rivalry also bizarrely quickly morphed into a kind of giant-flag arms race,' he adds. 'But these supersized banners have been no match for the border winds, which can be really strong, and the flags can be in shreds within weeks.' That problem remains unsolved, so both sides fly smaller flags most days. For instance, Sadqi will hoist a 12×18-metre tricolour on Independence Day, and a smaller one on regular days.


BBC News
2 hours ago
- BBC News
Jeremy Bowen: The divides within Israel over the war in Gaza
Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's longest serving prime minister and by far the dominant force in its politics, has not budged from what he believes is the essential truth about the war in has given Israel – and the outside world – a consistent message since Hamas attacked Israel almost two years ago. He stated it clearly when he ordered the first big ground offensive of the war into the Gaza Strip on 28 October 2023, three weeks after the attacks, and since then he has repeated the themes many times."We will fight to defend our homeland. We will fight and not retreat. We will fight on land, at sea and in the air. We will destroy the enemy above ground and below ground. We will fight and we will win."This will be a victory of good over evil, of light over darkness, of life over death. In this war we will stand steadfast, more united than ever, certain in the justice of our cause."His speech adopted the cadences of Winston Churchill's rallying call in June 1940 of "we shall fight on the beaches," after Britain's defeat by Germany in northern France and the evacuation of more than 338,000 allied soldiers from Dunkirk. Before Churchill told the British in his celebrated peroration that "we shall never surrender," he had not spared them from the truth that they had suffered a "colossal military disaster".Hamas inflicted Israel's worst defeat in a single day on 7 October, and the horror that it could break open the borders, and kill and take so many hostages, is still very real in Israel. It is a big factor shaping attitudes to the war, the way it is being fought, and how it might few Israelis have ever doubted that their cause is just, but Netanyahu's statement that they would be "more united than ever" could not have been further from the condition of Israel almost two years is as divided now as at any time in its history, and Netanyahu, a deeply divisive figure when Hamas attacked, is presiding over fault lines in Israel that have opened into chasms. Israeli views on the suffering in Gaza On the edge of the anti-Netanyahu demonstration in Tel Aviv, several hundred Israelis stood silently, each holding a placard with the name of a Palestinian child killed by Israel in of the signs had a photograph of a smiling girl or boy, next to the day they were born and the day they were killed. Children who did not have a photo were represented by a drawing of a silent demonstrations to stop the killing are getting bigger - some are held outside airbases, where they try to catch the eye of pilots arriving for bombing raids into Gaza - but the demonstrators still hold a minority view. Timina Peretz, one of the organisers, says they started after Israel broke the last ceasefire with Hamas on 18 March and went back to war. "We realised how many children died just in the same week. I refuse to stay silent while it's happening, a genocide and starvation of people... "On the street, we're getting a lot of good reactions, like people saying, 'thank you'. And we have many people cursing us and [getting] really offended and upset from these images."I asked if they get called traitors. "Of course, they do a lot of them, they say that if we think the way we think, or we act the way we act, we should just go… to live in Gaza."They can't understand how the basic idea of criticising the state is something that is rooted in democracy."Opinion polls taken since the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) went back to war in Gaza in March, breaking the last ceasefire, suggest that a large majority of Jewish Israelis are not troubled by Palestinian suffering in Gaza.A sample recorded in the last three days of July by the Israeli Democracy Institute says that 78% of Jewish Israelis, who make up four-fifths of the population, believe that given the restrictions of the fighting, Israel "is making substantial efforts to avoid causing unnecessary suffering to Palestinians in Gaza". The pollsters also chose a more personal question, asking whether individuals were "troubled or not troubled by the reports of famine and suffering among the Palestinian population in Gaza?"Some 79% of Jewish Israelis surveyed said they were not troubled. Meanwhile 86% of those in Israel's Palestinian Arab minority who were asked the same question said they were very or somewhat troubled. Netanyahu, his ministers and spokespeople insist that Hamas, the United Nations, witnesses, aid workers and foreign governments are telling lies about the humanitarian crisis in a news conference conducted in English for the international media on 10 August, Netanyahu condemned reports of starvation in Gaza. He wanted "to puncture the lies… the only ones that are being starved in Gaza are our hostages".He has, for many years, equated criticism of Israel with antisemitism. Accounts of hunger, and IDF soldiers killing Palestinians struggling to find food that have been believed and condemned by Israel's allies, including Britain, France and Germany, should he said be viewed in the context of the long history of the persecution of Jews in Europe."We were said to be spreading vermin to Christian society, we were said to be poisoning the wells, we were said to slaughter Christian children for their blood."And as these lies spread around the globe, they were followed by horrific, horrific massacres, pogroms, displacements, finally culminating the worst massacre of them all – the Holocaust."Today the Jewish state is being maligned in a similar way." 'We are in a trauma time - hostages are dying' Ms Peretz blames the Israeli media for not showing the suffering and deaths of Palestinians. That subject went closer to the heart of the national conversation when it was raised on a popular Saturday evening television talk show hosted by Eyal Berkovic, the former West Ham United football of the regular guests was an Israeli journalist called Emmanuelle Elbaz-Phelps. They had been discussing, as they had previously, the suffering of the hostages and their families, and Israeli soldiers who had been killed fighting in Gaza. Then, she told me, she felt it was her duty as a journalist to mention something that was not often spoken about on Israeli TV. "I just [said] that the war is also killing a lot of Palestinians in Gaza, which is a very simple statement, no political point of view. There was no patience to listen to it."Voices were raised. Eyal Berkovic has made a name for himself as a TV host by not holding Elbaz-Phelps, who also works as a correspondent for French TV, recalled his response. "He said, I do not have to worry about the people in Gaza, they are my enemies. To which I responded, you can let me say that I worry about the horrific images coming out of there. "And he said, for sure, you can finish your point. This is very representative of the Israeli public opinion." She defended the work of Israeli journalists. "I think 95% of what the world knows about Israel's government and decisions is brought by the Israeli journalists," she argues."But I think there is a huge difference when you talk about something and when you show something, and you will see images of Gaza from above that mainly are going to show the people how IDF is winning the war on the ground."You don't have human stories, you don't have faces… because Israelis are in pain, and the stories also are happening inside of Israel." Ms Elbaz-Phelps believes the reason is that Israelis are still dealing with their trauma, after 7 October."The word outside is covering Gaza and talking about the suffering of the population in Gaza. Which is right, but there is not, I think, acknowledgement of how much the Israeli people is living in a trauma."We are not in a post-traumatic area. We are in a trauma time. Hostages are dying inside the tunnels of Hamas. [People are] begging the government to find a way and make a hostage deal."Only when the hostages will come home, then maybe the healing can start. The pain of the Israeli public, how much they're still on 7 October, is something that is not completely grasped outside of Israel." Too hard to cope with Around 20 Israeli hostages are still believed to be alive in Gaza. Israelis of all political persuasions were horrified by recent videos posted by their captors showing two badly emaciated young men in tunnels under fate is front and centre of the attitudes of most Israelis to the war. I met the pollster Dahlia Scheindlin, who has often criticised Netanyahu's conduct of the war in her column in the liberal daily newspaper Haaretz, in "hostage square" next to Israel's military headquarters in Tel Aviv. Since October 2023, this has been the centre of the hostage families' campaign to get their people out of Gaza."The reason why the majority of Israelis consistently support ending the war is to get the hostages back," she about the lack of concern in Israel for the people in Gaza, she tells me: "It's because a large portion of Israelis believe that the suffering has been exaggerated or even partly fabricated by Hamas." Israelis, she continues, are inclined to believe that the problem is the messaging. "Israelis have been obsessed with PR for a long time. They call it Hasbara."That inclination to blame criticism of Israel on poor public communications has gone into overdrive during the war, and [is] on steroids [in] relation to the accusations of starvation."The far-right wing calls it the campaign of fabrication. They think [even the way] the Israeli media is starting to cover it is amplifying Hamas' narrative."But I think mainstream Israelis are sort of suppressing it because it's too hard for them to cope with. This is the kind of thing you hear people say in private conversation."They are too consumed with the hostages or their own family members who are fighting in Gaza, and they just can't handle the sense that Israel might be doing something wrong." 'It's very easy to judge…' Outside the secular Israeli mainstream of Tel Aviv and the cities on the Mediterranean coast, I have found few doubts about the justice of Israel's conduct of the in the occupied West Bank, down a dirt road, is a Jewish settlement called Esh Kodesh, which is part of a complex of small settlements. Just a generation ago these were a collection of caravans on hilltops, but they are now well Katzoff, a father of seven who is originally from Los Angeles, has created a winery and a bar called "Settlers," which feels like a small piece of the American west. He labels his wine "liquid prophecy". It is a social centre, not just for his community but for an overwhelmingly right-wing and religiously-observant clientele who make special journeys of the customers were armed when I visited. A soldier with a dusty uniform sat eating a burger and drinking red wine with his M-16 cradled on his lap. Others had left their assault weapons behind the bar. A woman had a 9mm pistol in a holster strapped on over her flowery dress. The young men at the corner table were, Aaron said, decompressing after a stint in still does reserve duty as an IDF officer and has fought in Gaza. He has no doubts about the justice of Israel's actions."Come down to a tunnel in Gaza," he told me. "See what it means not to have oxygen and in the humidity and heat try to fight terrorists that are hiding behind women and children and shoot at you…"It's very easy to sit in an air conditioning room and judge people who do that, war is not easy." What, I asked him, about ending the war now, as so many Israelis want."Sometimes you can't always get there now... You want everything to be Wonderland... but the world's not like that."Things take time, and it's sad, but that's reality." A 'collapse of support' before 7 October In the months leading up to 7 October 2023, thousands of Israelis had been demonstrating in the streets against plans to change the judicial system in what they saw as an assault on democracy."This has been an unpopular government since well before the war," argues Ms Scheindlin. "Once the war began, by contrast to most other countries where you see a rallying of support for the government, there was a complete collapse of support." Enough of Netanyahu's political base on Israel's right wing accepts his insistence that the war cannot end until total victory over Hamas, for him to have rebuilt his poll ratings from rock bottom. But he is still trailing opposition have pointed to evidence that they say shows he is prolonging the war to stay in office. As a private citizen he would face a national inquiry into the security failures that gave Hamas its opening on 7 October 2023. His long running trial on corruption charges serious enough to carry a potential prison sentence would also accelerate from its current glacial in his coalition, the finance minister Bezalel Smotrich and the national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir have threatened to topple his government if he makes any kind of deal with Hamas. They want not just the defeat of Hamas, but the annexation of Gaza, the removal of Palestinians and their replacement by Jewish families of the hostages, meanwhile, have appealed to Netanyahu to do a deal with Hamas before the men still being held the prime minister, doubling down on his theme of a fight until total victory, announced a new offensive that has appalled many hostage families and been condemned by many of Israel's plans were also opposed by the current leadership of the IDF. Its chief of staff General Eyal Zamir made it known that he opposes the Netanyahu plan for a new offensive in Gaza, reportedly telling the cabinet that it would endanger the hostages and worsen the humanitarian crisis. Zamir was appointed in March when his predecessor resigned after falling out with the prime minister over the conduct of the war. Now the Israeli media is speculating that Netanyahu will force Zamir to resign. One report says Zamir is convinced he's been "marked for dismissal" for challenging Netanyahu's plan. 'This is like a miracle period' The war has also widened Israel's most bitter division, between the secular population and the religious right. Shuttling between demonstrations by secular Israelis in Tel Aviv and their religious fellow citizens in Jerusalem can feel like commuting between two different is always painful. But for some in Israel's hardline religious nationalist right wing, it is also an opportunity, even a time of miracles that heralds the coming of the Strock, a minister from Smotrich's Religious Zionism party, said last summer that the war had turned events in their direction. "From my point of view, this is like a miracle period," she see an opening granted by God to transform Israel into a state ruled by the Torah, the law of God as revealed to Moses and laid out in the five books of the Hebrew scriptures. War also can speed up their desire to change the map. They believe God gave all the land between the Mediterranean and the River Jordan to the space can be allowed for the shrinking number of Palestinians who still believe it might be possible to make peace with Israel by creating an independent state in Gaza and the West Bank, with a capital in east has said the Jewish state should be on both sides of the river Jordan, taking in Jordan and stretching up to Damascus, the Syrian religious law is not government policy, nor is expanding Israel's borders across the River Jordan. But blocking a Palestinian state is a cornerstone of the Netanyahu coalition. And the coalition can only stay in government as long as Smotrich and Ben-Gvir agree to support it. That gives them a disproportionate influence over the prime minister. On 6 May Smotrich laid out his vision for Gaza and the West Bank, which Palestinians want for a state. Most western governments, including the United Kingdom, see Palestinian statehood alongside Israel as the only way to escape a conflict that has lasted more than a century for control of the land Arabs and Jews both Smotrich said that within six months Gaza's population would be confined to a narrow piece of land. The rest of the territory would be "totally destroyed" and "empty". Palestinians in Gaza would be "totally despairing, understanding that there is no hope and nothing to look for in Gaza, and will be looking for relocation to begin a new life in other places". Tension in the old city In the occupied old city of Jerusalem on Sunday 3 August, many Palestinians shut shops and businesses and stayed off the streets as Israeli Jews marked Tisha B'Av. It is a day of mourning for the destruction by the Babylonians of Jerusalem's first Jewish Temple and of its second one by the area where the Temples stood later became the third holiest place for Muslims, now dominated by al-Aqsa mosque where Muslims believe the prophet Muhammad ended his night journey from Mecca, and the golden rotunda of the Dome of the Rock where he ascended to heaven. To try to keep the peace in an area that is a religious and national symbol for Israelis and Palestinians, a set of laws and customs, known as the status quo, is supposed to be rule bans Jewish prayer within al-Aqsa compound, known by Palestinians as the Noble Sanctuary. It has been flouted in recent years with the encouragement of Tisha B'Av he went there himself to lead prayers, an action that in the fragile and tense holy city was seen by some as a provocative political move. Dozens of his followers – and heavily armed police that he commands as national security minister – followed as he strode through the narrow street of the Old City, through the gates of the place Israelis call the Temple Mount. As well as praying, he made a speech linking his presence and prayers in Jerusalem to the war in Gaza and the way he wants to change Israel. The videos of the two starving Israeli hostages were, he said, an attempt to put the state of Israel under pressure, which had to be resisted."From Temple Mount - the place where we proved that sovereignty and governance can be done - from here of all places we should send a message and make sure that today itself we conquer the whole of Gaza Strip, announce sovereignty of the whole of Gaza Strip, take down every Hamas man and encourage voluntary emigration."Only this way will we return the hostages and win the war." 'We want our house back' After Ben-Gvir had left, a big crowd of his young religious supporters stayed on to pray in a long, covered arcade. The sound of their prayers echoed off the vaulted stone roof. Two young women, Ateret and Tamar, sad about the religious commemoration but seemingly excited by the future, explained why they believed the Temple Mount was the heart of said the destruction of the Temples meant, "it's like having a body, but your heart is not there."We just want to say that we want our hostages back. We want everybody to have peace. This is the heart of the whole world, not only our hearts. When God will be here the world will have peace."They explained they prayed every day for the construction of a third Temple on the site. "This is our house for thousands of years, and now we're back here, we want our house."When I asked what would happen to the Muslim holy places that stand there now, they said they didn't and Tamar seemed to be gentle souls, suffused with religious to senior diplomatic sources, the nightmare for security services in both Israel and its Arab neighbours is that a violent Jewish extremist might try to damage al-Aqsa mosque to bring on the third temple, an act that would risk igniting the region. 'We are torn from inside' On the other end of the political spectrum is Avrum Burg, a writer and strong critic of Netanyahu, who used to be one of Israel's most prominent centre-left politicians. He was speaker of the Knesset, the parliament, from 1999 to 2003 and before that he chaired the Jewish Agency and the World Zionist Organisation, two venerable Zionist he is among those who do not see the war as a miraculous chance to transform the Mr Burg reflects, are "somewhere between religious excitement and psychological despair".There is no middle ground, he argues. "A few Israelis, a majority of government, believe that we're living in a miraculous time. It's an opportunity. It's God given. It is a once in a lifetime opening in order to realign, reorganise, re-something with history."And so many Israelis feel and sense – what for? What does that mean? Why do I have to pay the price? It's a meaningless war. In between, there is no Israel. Israel is a fragmented, broken, torn apart social fabric." That psychological despair – and anger – at Israel's government can be found at the regular demonstrations calling for Netanyahu's one, on a hot and humid night in Tel Aviv, secular opponents of the government waved the blue and white Star of David flag, chanted and banged drums until they stood silent for the national anthem. After, they listened to speeches from retired veteran commanders of the army and the police demanding a Nava Rosalio, the organiser of many mass rallies against the Netanyahu government, spelled out their position."We wish to replace Netanyahu's government, but specifically to bring back all hostages in a deal at once, ending Netanyahu's war in Gaza, which at this point has become completely political and serving nothing but his own political survival, of Netanyahu and his partners." I suggested some might accuse her of repeating the Hamas position. (For more than a year Hamas negotiators have offered to return all the hostages if the IDF pulled out of Gaza and the US and others guaranteed that the Israel would not go back to war once it had its people back. Israel, however, insists that Hamas must be fully disarmed, play no future role in Gaza and that Israel would retain security control in Gaza with the freedom to decide what comes next.)But Ms Rosalio dismissed the suggestion that a ceasefire deal could be any kind of a win for Hamas. "That's for propaganda. We have a great army… which can stay outside of the Gaza Strip and just protect the border. "There is no reason to stay either, unless they imagine or wish to conquer Gaza and to transfer the people of Gaza."We just don't believe the excuse of we're protecting you, the people of Israel. If you wish to protect us, you would have ended this war to allow the people of Israel to rehabilitate, for society to recover."We are torn from inside." In God's hands In the last three weeks I have travelled between the two sides of Israel, from leftists in Tel Aviv silently protesting the killing of Palestinian children, displaying the "psychological despair" described by Avrum Burg, the former speaker of on the other side of Israel, I have witnessed an overwhelming sense that Israel should ignore the mounting pressure and condemnation by some of its allies as well as its enemies, a feeling that its actions are justified by everything Hamas did on 7 October and the continued imprisonment of Israeli hostages in brutal conditions in tunnels. Israel's prime minister, still backed in public by US President Donald Trump despite murmurings that he is becoming exasperated by Netanyahu's refusal to make a hostage deal possible, is planning another offensive and accuses Israel's allies of deep seated religious Zionists who support him believe God is with them and granting in the West Bank, overlooking the Jordan Valley, Aaron Katzoff and his friends in the Settlers wine bar believe they are fulfilling the prophecies of the scriptures, as they drink wine from grapes he says proudly were grown using the methods of Biblical relaxed and happy customers believe the secular liberals protesting against Netanyahu in Tel Aviv are yesterday's Israelis. Now, the future of their state is in their hands, and in God's - and they are confident it will all end image: AFP via Getty Images BBC InDepth is the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.