
As Sudan's war deepens, paramilitaries form a rival government — is a breakup coming?
After more than two years of war that has caused waves of ethnic killings, famine and massive displacement, Sudan's army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are currently fighting for control of al-Fashir – the army's last foothold in the western Darfur region, an RSF stronghold.
A coalition led by the RSF announced the members of a parallel government last week. While it has not yet established institutions or been recognised, analysts say a potential breakaway of its territory could precipitate another split in Sudan, following the 2011 secession of South Sudan.
How did this happen?
Sudan's army and the RSF worked together in 2021 to oust the civilian politicians who took over from President Omar al-Bashir's toppled government two years earlier.
But in April 2023, war broke out between them over a push to integrate RSF fighters into the armed forces. The RSF took over swathes of the country, though the army pushed them out of the capital Khartoum and towards the west earlier this year.
Throughout the war, the RSF has called the internationally recognised army-led government illegitimate, and has taken steps to create its own, parallel administration. In May, the army installed a prime minister, Kamil Idris, who has in turn begun appointing ministers to a new 'Hope Government'.
His cabinet's formation has been hindered by disputes between army leaders and the heads of former rebel groups who have joined the war against the RSF. Some cabinet members also have ties to Bashir's former party, reflecting the army's need for Islamist support.
The war that has caused waves of ethnic killings, famine and massive displacement. — AFP pic
What does each side control?
From its wartime capital of Port Sudan on the Red Sea, Sudan's army has maintained control of Sudan's northern and eastern states. Earlier this year, it also regained its central states and Khartoum, where it says it will relocate.
The RSF quickly seized most of Darfur with the exception of al-Fashir, where fighting continues, causing mass hunger.
The paramilitary also allied with the SPLM-N rebel group, which controls swathes of South Kordofan state on the border with South Sudan. The oil-rich West Kordofan and North Kordofan states are also still being fought over.
More recently, the RSF has taken control of the northern 'border triangle' with Libya and Egypt, expanding the international borders of the territory it controls.
How did the RSF set up its government?
In February, the RSF formed the 'Tasis' coalition with several Sudanese political factions and rebel groups, aiming to build what they said would be a single government for all of Sudan.
In May, the coalition signed a constitution establishing a parliament and cabinet. Then in July, the coalition announced the formation of a presidential council led by RSF head Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, with the SPLM-N's Hilu as his deputy.
The council also included regional governors and a prime minister, former government official Mohamed Hassan al-Taishi.
What does this mean for Sudan?
Analysts say the formation of the parallel governments could lead to a Libya-like stalemate or even worse fragmentation as other armed groups claim their own territories and follow the RSF's lead.
Both governments could also struggle to secure the international cooperation they need to rebuild Sudan's shattered economy and infrastructure.
No states have so far moved to recognise the RSF's parallel government, which the UN and African Union have condemned. Militias have also proliferated across RSF territory, helping the paramilitary push forward but also proving hard to control.
The seat of the RSF government, Nyala, in southern Darfur, has seen growing crime, including kidnappings, as well as protests by residents and soldiers. It has also been targeted frequently by army air and drone strikes.
The army's coalition, including former rebel groups and tribal militias, is similarly fragile. And while the army has international recognition, with support from regional powers such as Egypt, many countries remain hesitant to deal with it because of the 2021 coup and the influence of Islamists.
Like Dagalo, army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan is under US sanctions. — Reuters

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Free Malaysia Today
3 hours ago
- Free Malaysia Today
Creating Anwar's legacy — ending ‘gomenshud'
One of the most common Malaysian words I hear is 'gomenshud'. This is used whenever an issue of concern arises and the 'government should' do something about it rather than the private sector or, heaven-forfend, that individuals should fix it for themselves. It is ironic that people complain of incompetence, systemic corruption and moral turpitude within the executive, legislature, judiciary and the permanent civil service at federal and state levels but still demand that more money, responsibility and interference opportunities should be handed to them. The economics of government and policy design, called 'public choice theory' tells us clearly that people in government are not driven by the 'greater good' or the 'public interest', they are, just like the rest of us, driven by personal and collective self-interest. This is not meant to be cynical or offensive but simply to help us understand those in public policy as human beings — they have hopes and dreams, they want to make life easy for themselves as far as possible and if there is a chance to make a few bucks they will take it. Each year the auditor-general reports hundreds of millions lost in wastage and leakages across the government sector. The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) estimates RM277 billion lost to corruption between 2018 and 2023. The think tank Emir Research estimates that RM4.5 trillion was lost to corruption in the last 26 years. This is all identified after the fact and to stop this haemorrhage of resources we need to address the 'gomenshud mentality' which defaults to intervention from the start without proper evaluation of the costs and benefits and the likely losses due specifically to policy design. A common form of policy design in Malaysia is the 'patronage cascade' where projects, concessions and access routes to money are specifically built-in to benefit middlemen often through pre-allocated packages and contracts. With this in mind, the 13th Malaysia Plan which will be tabled this week should reduce the role and interference of government. We should be cautious if we see 'patronage cascades' where policies are specifically designed to pass projects to vested interests. Instead, broad-based universal programmes, available to everyone, with open and transparent access routes should be the emphasis. This can be achieved first by government exiting commercial activities which crowd out large businesses, SMEs and micro enterprises and leaving these activities to the private sector. Second by slashing regulations and focusing only on minimum standards of health and safety, anti-corruption, good governance and anti-trust issues. Finally, by focusing on the basic role of government in many areas where there are direct and legitimate concerns for public policy including public health, education and social protection. Economic mechanisms we hope to see in the 13MP include liberalisation of markets, reducing regulatory burdens, limiting government interference and promoting creative, innovative, agile, competitive businesses. The US tariff issue also sends us a lesson that protectionist policies come with a reciprocal cost. So removing restrictions to market access should also be a priority for the 13MP. Proper independent assessments have rarely been made of the targets of previous Malaysia plans and many have not been delivered, fully or at all. The main unfulfilled target of every Malaysia plan is to build in a mechanism to end the need for future plans. In other words, these are 'forever wars' against dreamed up economic challenges more typical of centrally planned economies. They are increasingly irrelevant in a modern technology-driven economic environment in which anything laid down in July 2025 will be obsolete by December 2025 let alone by 2030 — gomenshud recognise this and end it once and for all. The views expressed are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.


The Star
11 hours ago
- The Star
Federal Government to invest RM1.4bil in palm oil replanting under 13MP
JOHOR BARU: The Federal Government plans to invest approximately RM1.4bil in its palm oil replanting initiative as part of the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP), according to Plantation and Commodities Minister Datuk Seri Johari Abdul Ghani. The initiative, set to be implemented over the next five years, aims to reinforce Malaysia's position as a leading palm oil producer globally. "The 13MP debate will commence on Monday (Aug 4), allowing MPs to provide feedback," Johari explained. "For the Plantation and Commodities Ministry, there is a clear focus by the Government to enhance replanting efforts among smallholders." He stated that RM1.4bil would be progressively allocated over five years to encourage smallholders, particularly those with ageing trees, to replant. Johari made these remarks while discussing the 13MP during the Johor Baru Umno division annual meeting. He highlighted that the initiative is expected to further boost Malaysia's export potential in the global market. "Replanting efforts alone can strengthen our position as the second-largest producer and increase our exports," he said. "Our exports currently stand at RM115bil. With successful replanting, we can enhance and expand our export potential." During the tabling of 13MP on Thursday (July 31), Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim expressed the government's commitment to advancing the development of strategic sectors, including agricommodities, through high-impact initiatives under the plan. Anwar emphasised a focus on increasing productivity in agricommodities such as oil palm, rubber, and cocoa through modern technology.


Free Malaysia Today
14 hours ago
- Free Malaysia Today
DAP MP slams MCA leader's remarks over meeting at Umno HQ
Chong Zhemin (left) said Mah Hang Soon's remarks on the DAP MPs' TVET briefing were vulgar and aimed at creating discord in the unity government. PETALING JAYA : Kampar MP Chong Zhemin has hit out at MCA deputy president Mah Hang Soon over his social media remarks ridiculing 30 DAP MPs who visited Umno's headquarters for a briefing on technical and vocational education and training (TVET). Chong said Mah's comments, including describing the MPs as 'infatuated schoolgirls' and 'so aroused it shows' were vulgar, demeaning and aimed at sowing discord within the unity government. He said the Aug 1 briefing, chaired by deputy prime minister and Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi in his capacity as head of the national TVET council, was strictly about policy matters. 'The purpose of the visit by 30 DAP MPs was crystal clear: to strengthen policy coordination on TVET, improve resource allocation, and promote inter-ministerial cooperation,' he said in a statement today. 'This was part of normal administrative coordination within the unity government. It had nothing to do with political symbolism, and certainly does not require unsolicited criticism from MCA through a narrow partisan lens.' Chong also defended the choice of venue, saying Umno's headquarters was one of Zahid's official workspaces. He questioned why Mah had not voiced similar objections when MCA leaders, including the party president and youth chief, previously visited the building while in government. The DAP leaders who attended the briefing included the party's secretary-general, Loke Siew Fook, adviser Lim Guan Eng, and vice-chairman Chong Chieng Jen. Also present were Umno vice-president Johari Ghani and secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki.