Orban's political rival Peter Magyar walks to Romania – DW – 05/27/2025
Hungarian opposition leader Peter Magyar walked 300 km to Romania to protest the policies of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. He was welcomed by ethnic Hungarians in the city of Oradea.
On May 14, Peter Magyar, Hungary's main opposition leader, embarked on a 300 km trek to neighboring Romania. He did so in protest at the policies of Hungary's government, led by Prime Minister Victor Orban.
There are approximately 1.1 million ethnic Hungarians in Romania — 6.1% of the country's total population. Most of them live in the regions of Transylvania and Banat.
Magyar's destination at the end of his march was Oradea, one of the cities in Transylvania with a large Hungarian-speaking population.
Welcomed by locals, Magyar sought to emphasize unity among Hungarians across national borders and draw attention to shared democratic values.
Peter Magyar is expected to be Viktor Orban's main challenger in next spring's parliamentary election in Hungary. According to recent opinion polls, it looks like he could win the election too.
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DW
a day ago
- DW
Central Europe's right-wing populist networks up their game – DW – 06/05/2025
Bolstered by Donald Trump's reelection and their recent successes at the polls, Europe's right-wing populists are working together to push their narratives across Europe and build an international alliance. Leaders and aspiring leaders from across Europe's right-wing populist political spectrum gathered in the Hungarian capital last week for CPAC Hungary 2025, the fourth Budapest edition of the US Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). While there, they aired their grievances over what they see as the threat to national sovereignty posed by the EU and "gender and woke madness" and heralded the dawn of the "Age of Patriots." Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban was the star turn at the event, preaching to the converted, some of whom had travelled from across the globe to attend. Orban celebrated the chaos wrought by the "Trump tornado" and called on "conservatives" to seize the opportunity it offers: "We have to go home, and everyone has to win their own election. After America, we Europeans will take back our dreams and occupy Brussels!" A 'beacon' for like-minded politicians It's an ambitious call because although the leaders of Germany's AfD, Spain's Vox and Austria's Freedom Party (FPO) have all made considerable strides in recent elections and were represented on the podium in Budapest, right-wing and far-right populists govern few European states — except in the east. 'The European edition of CPAC is a statement of what the global far right longs for: power like Viktor Orban's,' says Hungarian MEP Klara Dobrev. Pictured here: Viktor Orban at CPAC Hungary in 2024 Image: Szilard Koszticsak/MTI/AP/Picture Alliance Also in the spotlight at CPAC was a high-profile trio from central Europe: Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, former and possibly future Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babis and former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki. Orban has worked to make the region a hub for right-wing populists and has built a network to broadcast his success in doing so as a beacon for like-minded politicians and parties across the globe. Spreading the message from east to west "There's transnational learning now moving from east to west in Europe, which is pretty rare," Daniel Hegedus from the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMFUS) told DW. Both Orban and CPAC have done much in this respect, but so, too, have influence networks that are funded and organized by governments as well as grassroots political and religious groups that have spread across the region and beyond. US President Donald Trump's reelection was welcomed by right-wing populists across Europe. Pictured here: Trump delivers a video message to CPAC Hungary 2023 Image: Tibor Illyes/ASSOCIATED PRESS/picture alliance They all help to link and bind together right-wing populist forces and to push their narratives into the wider public realm. Hungary and Poland are the key axis Institutions funded by the Hungarian government sit at the core of these influence networks. They include the Danube Institute, Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC) and the Center for Fundamental Rights, which organized CPAC Hungary 2025. With branches spreading across the region and further afield, these bodies gather like-minded academics and activists at events and run media outlets not only in central and eastern Europe, but in Brussels and the UK, too. These outlets include The European Conservative, Brussels Signal and Remix. MCC, which runs colleges in Hungary, Slovakia and Austria, also cooperates with staunchly conservative groups linked to the Catholic Church, such as Poland's Ordo Iuris. Hungary and Poland form the key axis in this network, Zsuzsanna Szelenyi, a former MP for Orban's Fidesz party and now director at the Central European University's Democracy Institute, told DW. 'Igniting a chain reaction' Analysts at Political Capital, a Budapest-based think tank, say these networks are intended to "ignite a chain reaction and bring about change on a European scale," thus halting EU efforts to stop Orban's assault on Hungary's democracy and ensure his regime's survival. Demonstrators in Budapest march in silence, many with their mouths taped shut, in protest at a planned law that would allow the government to sanction 'foreign-funded' NGOs and media Image: Ferenc Isza/AFP "The European edition of CPAC is a statement of what the global far right longs for: power like Viktor Orban's," says Klara Dobrev, an MEP for the left-wing Hungarian opposition party Democratic Coalition. And it is certainly true that Hungary's strongman prime minister is leading by example. His domination of political power in Hungary wins admiring glances from others who seek to copy his playbook. Orban wants to entrench his power with a new "transparency law" that would allow his government to blacklist organizations it feels "threaten the sovereignty of Hungary by using foreign funding to influence public life." Critics warn that the bill, which was inspired by repressive Russian legislation, will muzzle all criticism. They also fear that other governments will follow suit. "We're working with partners in many other EU countries," Marta Pardavi of the Hungarian NGO Helsinki Committee, told an online panel discussion on Hungary's proposed transparency law hosted by GMFUS on May 28. "They're keenly aware such laws can be reproduced. The EU is not only a single market but is becoming an illiberal market," she said. Chilling effect on NGOs in Slovakia Since regaining power in 2023, Slovakia's Robert Fico has pushed through similar, albeit less stringent legislation in Slovakia, with "political NGOs," such as legal watchdog Via Iuris, a particular target. Thousands gathered in Bratislava to protest the policies of populist Prime Minister Robert Fico in January. The placard reads 'We don't want dictatorship' Image: Denes Erdos/AP/dpa/picture alliance Katerina Batkova, executive director of Via Iuris, told the panel that the effect has been "chilling," with fear spreading through organizations about how to comply with the new rules, which appear to be deliberately vague in order to give the authorities the opportunity to crack down. Will populist Babis return to power in Prague? Following their celebration of Karol Nawrocki's narrow triumph in Poland's presidential election on Sunday, the region's illiberal forces are looking to the Czech Republic for their next boost. The country is due to elect a new parliament in October, and Andrej Babis and his ANO party look likely to win. The Czech billionaire has become more radical as he hunts a return to power, and last year joined Orban, France's Marine Le Pen and 11 other European parties in establishing the Patriots for Europe group in the European Parliament. "A Babis victory would allow Orban to say illiberals have a majority in Visegrad, with Poland the outlier," notes Hegedus. Is the momentum with the right-wing populists? Yet while Orban's networks have successfully helped push far-right narratives into the European mainstream, he's struggled for years to build a working international alliance. US Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem attended the CPAC event in Poland last week and urged Poles to vote for Karol Nawrocki, who went on to win last weekend's presidential runoff Image: Alex Brandon/Pool/REUTERS It remains to be seen if Patriots for Europe will offer the influence over EU policy he craves, or how stable it will prove. The leaders of France's far right, for example, did not attend CPAC Hungary 2025. And Babis' business empire is spread across the EU, which means that he tends to tread carefully in Brussels. US President Donald Trump's reelection has helped deepen ties and coordination with right-wing populist and nationalist groups from the US, which saw CPAC debut in Poland just ahead of the country's presidential election on June 1. However, just how much momentum Trump might actually deliver is far from clear. While US Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem made a keynote speech at CPAC Poland, urging Poles to vote for Karol Nawrocki, no senior US officials travelled to Budapest for the Hungarian CPAC event. Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan
DW
3 days ago
- DW
What next for EU-Poland ties after Nawrocki's election win? – DW – 06/03/2025
Newly elected Polish President Karol Nawrocki is known as an EU skeptic. How can he sway Poland's EU policy, and how is he viewed in Brussels? Right-wing conservative Karol Nawrocki has won the race for the Polish presidency. During the election campaign, Nawrocki touted his affinity with US President Donald Trump and pledged a "Poland first" approach. He opposes Ukraine's accession to NATO and is perceived as an EU skeptic. Polish voters elected Nawrocki with the slimmest of margins on Monday morning, prompting reactions across all of Europe. Many heads of state and government congratulated the future Polish president. Among those belonging to the right-wing political spectrum were Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. The latter enthused about a "fantastic victory" and strengthening the work of the Visegrad Group, a political alliance consisting of Poland, Hungary, The Czech Republic and Slovakia. Other heads of state and government, including Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda, emphasized common values. French President Emmanuel Macron called on Poland to champion a Europe that's "strong, independent, competitive" and "respects the rule of law." EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen sent congratulations as well. On X, she wrote: "I'm confident that the EU will continue its very good cooperation with Poland. We are all stronger together in our community of peace, democracy, and values." Nawrocki ideologically close to PiS party Nawrocki is officially non-partisan, but entered the campaign for presidency as a candidate backed by the right-wing conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party that ruled Poland between 2015 and 2023. During its term of office, the party reformed the Polish judicial system, sparking an ongoing dispute with Brussels over accusations of dismantling the rule of law. This eventually led to a so-called Article 7 procedure. The European Union's Article 7 allows for the suspension of member state rights if that state seriously and repeatedly violates the EU core values. Despite new government, Poland remains polarized To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video The procedure was closed last year when the country announced it would implement the required changes. As a result, billions of euros were disbursed to Poland, funds that had previously been frozen by the EU due to concerns about the rule of law. Many Polish government proposals were vetoed by sitting President Andrzej Duda, who also has PiS leanings. Observers expect this obstructive stance to continue under the new president. The EU Commission declined to speculate on possible repercussions. In its daily press briefing, it emphasized its confidence in Poland's further implementation of reforms and its support for the country's efforts. Are new tensions with the EU over the rule of law imminent? Daniel Freund, a member of the European Parliament, fears that Poland's political deadlock will continue. He calls on the EU commission to correct its "mistake" — prematurely releasing frozen EU funds — and to continue putting pressure on Poland. Piotr Buras, Warsaw bureau head of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), told DW that the EU Commission would have to take into consideration what actually happened in Poland. For example, the government under Donald Tusk had seen to it that illegal laws are no longer applied, thus removing the grounds for Article 7 proceedings. Buras believes that a renewed clash with the EU over the rule of law is out of the question with the Tusk government in power. Nawrocki is expected to obstruct the agenda of Poland's Prime Minister Donald Tusk (pictured above) Image: Frederic GARRIDO-RAMIREZ/European Union How will the ballot impact Poland's EU policy? According to Buras, the newly elected president does not have the chance to exert direct influence on Poland's EU policy, because according to the Polish constitution this is solely down to the government, the political scientist said. As commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the president of Poland appoints the government, signs international treaties, and has the power to veto laws. This is precisely how Nawrocki could interfere with the government's EU policy, said Buras. As soon as EU policy had to be implemented in national legislation, he could block it, thereby reducing the Tusk government's room for maneuver, he added. Buras expects such blockades in issues like the rule of law, abortion, migration and climate policy. He simultaneously pointed out that the Tusk government was itself far from progressive in the areas of migration and climate policy. EU Parliament torn between joy and skepticism Whereas Manfred Weber, chairman of the conservative European People's Party (EPP) group in the European Parliament, hoped that Nawrocki would work "constructively' with Poland's government for the country's benefit, MEP Rene Repasi believed that the Polish government was caught up in a "mess." For the social democrat, new parliamentary elections are not unlikely, because the right-wing conservative Nawrocki and the "Tusk government's progressive agenda" would get in each other's way. However, the right-wing conservative European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, which also includes Poland's PiS party, welcomed Nawrocki's election victory. Europe must remain a "community of free nations," not a "machine" that ignores "the will of the people," said the group's co-chairman, Nicola Procaccini. Political scientist Buras, however, believes that Nawrocki's election victory was not tantamount to voting against the EU. Neither PiS nor Nawrocki had ever called for Poland's exit from the bloc. At the same time, Buras added that skepticism regarding a loss of sovereignty and interference in the country's internal affairs was widespread in Poland, and Nawrocki had taken advantage of that prevailing mood. This article was originally written in German. Edited by: Jess Smee
DW
28-05-2025
- DW
Czech-Slovak relations chill to glacial – DW – 05/28/2025
Czechia and Slovakia have been independent states for over 30 years. Until recently, the bond between them was extremely close. But among other things, the subject of Ukraine has driven a wedge between the two neighbors. Relations between the Czech Republic and Slovakia since the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1992 have been consistently good, close and characterized by mutual trust. The governments of the two neighboring countries have supported each other and cooperated on defense. Their respective languages are understood in both countries, and tens of thousands of young Slovaks study at Czech universities, which have a reputation for offering higher-quality education. The first foreign trip for a newly elected Czech or Slovak president has always been to the other country, and joint cabinet meetings are held at least once a year. And in surveys, the citizens of each country consistently rank the other as their favorite country. Or at least they used to. The end of an exceptional relationship? Since Robert Fico became prime minister in Slovakia for the fourth time in October 2023, relations between these two next-door neighbors have deteriorated and chilled significantly. Czech PM Petr Fiala said in March 2024 that his government did not consider it appropriate to conduct meetings with the government of the Slovak Republic in the coming weeks or months Image: Michal Krumphanzl/CTK/IMAGO Fico's nationalist, pro-Russian government, which models itself on that of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has repeatedly clashed with the pro-Ukrainian Czech government of Petr Fiala. So much so that Prague actually canceled the traditional meeting of both governments in March 2024. The message from the Czech capital was that the "exceptional relationship" was terminated indefinitely. "We do not consider it appropriate to conduct governmental meetings with the government of the Slovak Republic in the coming weeks or months," Fiala told journalists at the time. "There is no hiding that there are considerable differences of opinion on several important foreign policy issues." Differences over Ukraine Fico, who had ordered a halt to military aid for Ukraine from the Slovak government and re-established relations with Moscow, responded by accusing Fiala's government of warmongering. Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico (left) and his Hungarian counterpart Viktor Orban (right) are close allies Image: Omar Havana/AP Photo/picture alliance "We note that the Czech government has decided to risk our relationship just because it is interested in supporting the war in Ukraine, while the Slovak government wants to speak openly about peace," Fico posted on social media. Although cooperation on practical projects continued at a low level, the warmth and mutual understanding of the previous three decades has dissipated entirely, particularly as Slovakia's rapprochement with Russia continues. The culmination of this rapprochement was Fico's participation in the May 9 Victory Day Parade in Moscow. He was the only head of government in the European Union to attend. Growing distance between the two populations Domestic developments in Slovakia, where the government has been taking action against independent public media and cultural institutions, making the fight against political corruption more difficult, are also not going down well in the Czech Republic. The cooling of relations between the two governments is now starting to impact attitudes in society, too. Slovak PM Robert Fico (eyes closed, center) and Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic (to the right of Fico) attended the May 9 Victory Parade in Moscow Image: Yuri Kochetkov/Pool Photo via AP According to the annual survey conducted by the Czech polling institute STEM, which was published just a few days ago, Slovakia has slipped from its traditional No. 1 spot on the list of Czech citizens' favorite countries to No. 10 in the ranking. A 'clear drop' in Slovakia's popularity "The attitude of the Czech public towards other countries and foreign politicians remains largely stable in 2025. However, the current survey registers a clear drop for Slovakia and the United States," notes the institute on its website. "It is highly probable that the clear decline in positive attitudes after the downward trend of the last two years is linked to the current political situation in the country, where relations with the Czech Republic cooled after the Fico government came to power in fall 2023," STEM analyst Silvia Petty told the media. The chill in relations was accelerated when the clearly pro-Western Slovak President Zuzana Caputova, who was hugely popular in the Czech Republic, was succeeded by Fico's minister and preferred presidential candidate Peter Pellegrini. "Pellegrini has an approval rating of 38% among Czech men and women, which is much lower than that of his predecessor, Caputova. She had an approval rating of 68% among Czechs in the final year of her presidency," said Petty. One in five Slovaks supports Russia But it is apparently not only the governments of both countries that disagree on Ukraine, so too do their respective citizens. According to a survey conducted by the institute CVVM dated April 2025, 58% of Czech citizens support military aid for Ukraine. According to an IPSOS survey from early 2025, only 16% of Slovaks do. The Progressive Slovakia party led by Michal Simecka (pictured here at an anti-government rally in December 2023) is ahead in the polls in his country Image: Patrik Uhlir/CTK/picture alliance Indeed, one-third of those who voted for Fico's Smer party and 20% of Slovaks overall would welcome a Russian victory. In the Czech Republic, only 7% would. The Slovak weekly magazine Tyzden noted that Czech President Petr Pavel received Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at Prague Castle just days before Fico visited Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow. The photos from Prague Castle and the Kremlin defined the character of two opposing worlds, noted the magazine's editor-in-chief, Stefan Hrib. Slovak opposition welcome in Prague Members of the ruling coalition in Bratislava are trying to play down the gulf between the two neighbors. "The basic message should be that despite some differences of opinion at government and sometimes even presidential level, our common foundation still exists," Richard Rasi, spokesperson of the Slovak parliament and deputy chair of the coalition party Hlas, told DW. Rasi went on to say that while a joint meeting of the two governments before the parliamentary election in the Czech Republic in October is unthinkable, he believes that "we will return to the negotiating table after the elections." Ivan Korcok told DW that PS would 'bring Slovakia back from the periphery to the center of Europe and restore our wonderful Czech-Slovak relations' Image: Petr David Josek/AP The Slovak opposition, which is led by the Progressive Slovakia (PS) party, has good relations with Prague. PS politicians such as party leader Michal Simecka and former foreign minister and former Slovak ambassador to Berlin, Ivan Korcok, are received at the highest levels in the Czech capital. What does the future hold? Korcok narrowly lost the Slovak presidential election last year and joined PS in late 2024. Speaking to DW during his recent visit to Prague, he said: "I would like to say this to the Czechs: Believe me, there is a political alternative in Slovakia in the form of the opposition and Progressive Slovakia. It will bring Slovakia back from the periphery to the center of Europe and restore our wonderful Czech-Slovak relations." Since the start of the year, Progressive Slovakia has been ahead in all polls. Were an election to take place now, it and other opposition parties would win a parliamentary majority. In the Czech Republic, however, the ANO movement led by Czech oligarch Andrej Babis, is ahead in the polls. Babis makes no bones of his support for both Fico and Hungary's Viktor Orban. So, if the polls are right, the political leadership of both countries could change, but the current political ice age would continue. This article was originally published in German.
