China says ‘firmly rejects' US claim of violating tariff deal
BEIJING: China said Monday it 'firmly rejects' claims by the United States that it had violated a deal to lower crippling tariffs between the world's two largest economies.
Beijing and Washington last month agreed to temporarily slash staggeringly high levies on each other for 90 days after talks between top officials in Geneva.
But US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said Beijing was 'slow-rolling the deal', in comments to 'Fox News Sunday'.
Beijing hit back Monday, saying Washington 'has made bogus charges and unreasonably accused China of violating the consensus, which is seriously contrary to the facts'.
'China firmly rejects these unreasonable accusations,' its commerce ministry said in a statement.
US President Donald Trump said last week that China had 'totally violated' the deal, without providing details.
But Beijing's commerce ministry said it 'has been firm in safeguarding its rights and interests, and sincere in implementing the consensus'.
Washington 'has successively introduced a number of discriminatory restrictive measures against China', it said, citing export controls on artificial intelligence chips and revoking Chinese student visas in the United States.
'We urge the US to meet China halfway, immediately correct its wrongful actions, and jointly uphold the consensus from the Geneva trade talks,' the ministry said.
If not, 'China will continue to resolutely take strong measures to uphold its legitimate rights and interests,' it added.
US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick - REUTERSPIX
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Free Malaysia Today
16 minutes ago
- Free Malaysia Today
White House says Trump, Xi will ‘likely' talk this week
Donald Trump said in April that Xi Jinping had called him, but China denied the presidents had spoken recently. (EPA Images pic) WASHINGTON : US President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping will likely hold a long-awaited call later this week, the White House said today, as trade tensions between the world's two biggest economies ratchet back up. Trump reignited strains with China last week when he accused the world's second-biggest economy of violating a deal that had led both countries to temporarily reduce huge tit-for-tat tariffs. 'The two leaders will likely talk this week,' press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters outside the West Wing when asked whether Trump and Xi would speak. Asked about the statement today, a spokesman for China's foreign ministry said Beijing had 'no information to provide'. Trump and Xi have yet to have any confirmed contact more than five months since the Republican returned to power, despite frequent claims by the US president that a call is imminent. Trump even said in a Time Magazine interview in April that Xi had called him – but Beijing insisted that there had been no call recently. The US leader introduced in April sweeping worldwide tariffs that targeted China most heavily of all, accusing other countries of 'ripping off' the US and running trade imbalances. Beijing and Washington last month agreed to slash staggeringly high tariffs on each other for 90 days after talks between top officials in Geneva. But Trump and other top Washington officials last week accused China of violating the deal, with commerce secretary Howard Lutnick saying Beijing was 'slow-rolling' the agreement in comments to Fox News Sunday. Beijing rejected those 'bogus' US claims yesterday, and accused Washington of introducing 'a number of discriminatory restrictive measures'. Trump has separately ramped up tensions with other trade partners, including the European Union, by vowing to double global tariffs on steel and aluminium to 50% from tomorrow.
The Star
33 minutes ago
- The Star
Tennis-Sabalenka calls for marquee women's matches to start later at French Open
Tennis - French Open - Roland Garros, Paris, France - June 3, 2025 Belarus' Aryna Sabalenka reacts during her quarter final match against China's Qinwen Zheng REUTERS/Stephanie Lecocq PARIS (Reuters) -World number one Aryna Sabalenka and Paris Olympics champion Zheng Qinwen began their French Open quarter-final in front of a small crowd on Tuesday, prompting calls for such high-profile matches to be moved to later slots to showcase them better. A sumptuous lunch often takes priority for fans in Court Philippe Chatrier's corporate seats and the Parisian cultural practice leaves many seats unoccupied in the showcourt when matches begin at 11 a.m. local time. Sabalenka overcame her Chinese opponent 7-6(3) 6-3 in just under two hours to leave her with the rest of the day off but the Belarusian said organisers could do better despite fans trickling in later to improve the atmosphere. "I didn't really look in the crowd, but it felt like it was a lot of people. Yeah, it was a big match and it probably would make more sense to put us a bit later just so more people could watch it," Sabalenka told reporters. "At the same time, I'm happy to finish earlier and then I have a half-day off, and I can just enjoy the city and do all the things that I have to do." Reuters has contacted organisers for comment. The French Open's scheduling decisions have come under a harsh spotlight again this year with no women's match featured in the evening sessions which begin at 8.15 p.m. local time and are exclusively broadcast by Amazon Prime in France. French Open tournament director Amelie Mauresmo said last week that women's matches, played over a maximum of three sets as opposed to the five on the men's side, could finish "really fast" and having an extra match in that slot was unfeasible. "We deserve the equal treatment," Sabalenka said. "There were a lot of great battles, a lot of great matches, which would be cool to see as a night session (match), just more people in the stands watching these incredible battles and to show ourselves to more people. "I definitely agree that we deserve to be put in a bigger stage, like better timing and more people watching." Sabalenka will continue her bid for a maiden French Open title against four-times champion Iga Swiatek. "I love tough challenges," she added. "These are the matches where you actually improve as a player, and where you get much stronger. I'm always excited to face someone strong and someone who can challenge me. "I will go out there and fight, and I'm ready to leave everything I have to get the win." (Reporting by Shrivathsa Sridhar in Paris, editing by Ed Osmond)
Malaysia Sun
an hour ago
- Malaysia Sun
China is building a power triangle to change the world
A recent summit between Beijing, ASEAN, and the Gulf Cooperation Council shows the potential future of Asia The final week of May marked a significant political development with the potential to reshape Asia's geopolitical landscape. Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, hosted the inaugural summit involving China, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). While signs of deepening engagement among these three actors had surfaced in preceding years, the establishment of a formal trilateral cooperation mechanism is a recent development. This event did not occur in a geopolitical vacuum. The region is increasingly exposed to intensifying rivalry among China, the US, and other global powers. In April, Chinese President Xi Jinping embarked on a Southeast Asian tour - visiting Cambodia, Malaysia, and Vietnam - to consolidate Beijing's influence. Almost simultaneously, an envoy dispatched by US President Donald Trump toured Cambodia and Vietnam and met with representatives from all ASEAN member states in an effort to repair relations damaged by Trump's tariffs and to reaffirm the commitment to a 'Free and Open Indo-Pacific'. Meanwhile, the US president visited three Gulf states, making new deals and publicly denouncing the longstanding American policy of mentorship and interference in regional affairs. By the end of May, French President Emmanuel Macron also entered the scene, visiting Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam to remind Southeast Asian counterparts that the EU still exists and remains a potential alternative to both Beijing and Washington. It is no coincidence that the China-ASEAN-GCC summit was convened in Malaysia. As the current chair of ASEAN, Malaysia plays a pivotal role, and its prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, is a vocal proponent of regional integration and innovative partnerships. Ahead of the trilateral summit, ASEAN members gathered in Kuala Lumpur to chart their future course. On this occasion, the ten member states adopted ASEAN's first 20-year vision - ASEAN 2045 - articulating the ambition to position Southeast Asia as a global growth engine aligned with other dynamic actors. Among them, China and the GCC member states - Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates - stand out prominently. Together, they represent a quarter of the world's population and contribute nearly the same proportion to global GDP. Their economic linkages are already well-established: China is the top trading partner for both ASEAN and the GCC. ASEAN has surpassed the EU as China's foremost economic partner, and Beijing imports over one-third of its crude oil from GCC states. The summit in Kuala Lumpur brought together the world's second- and fifth-largest economies - China and ASEAN - along with key suppliers of energy and raw materials. The leaders did not conceal their optimism. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim advanced a vision of intercultural dialogue between Confucian and Islamic civilizations, aligning with China's Global Civilization Initiative. Chinese Premier Li Qiang envisaged a 'big triangle' as a pillar of global security and prosperity, invoking the 'shared Asian values' of openness, cooperation, and integration in contrast to perceived Western norms. Notably, Beijing's official discourse increasingly emphasizes these 'Asian values'. This narrative underpins a renewed focus on neighboring states. In April, Xi convened a rare high-level conference on relations with the 'near abroad', characterizing it as essential to China's development, security, and diplomatic priorities. Among other regional actors, this recalibration may evoke concerns about a resurgence of a modern-day 'Pax Sinica'. However, Beijing refutes these interpretations, instead invoking alternative historical models such as the Silk Road, which emphasized connectivity, integration, and equality. The China-ASEAN-GCC summit was no exception: Beijing proposed extending the existing China-ASEAN Free Trade Area to include the GCC, a suggestion welcomed by Southeast Asian leaders. This could accelerate China's bid for trade liberalization and amplify the benefits of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership - the world's largest free trade zone, which includes all ASEAN nations. The summit's agenda focused heavily on economic issues, reflecting ASEAN's strategic orientation and the interests of Gulf states. Over the past decade, China has launched numerous projects with ASEAN members under the Belt and Road Initiative. Cooperation with the GCC is also expanding beyond traditional sectors such as raw materials to cutting-edge areas including artificial intelligence, the digital economy, and 5G technology. This economic emphasis is strategic, enabling stakeholders to bypass contentious political and security matters. And these contentious issues abound. While China maintains robust ties with both ASEAN and GCC members, bilateral frictions persist. Within ASEAN, territorial disputes and sovereignty concerns - particularly in the South China Sea - complicate trust-building. China's disputes with Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are longstanding and strain regional relations. Perceptions of Chinese assertiveness also fuel anxieties over economic overdependence, potential 'debt traps', and Beijing's political leverage. These factors have prompted leaders such as Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to move closer to the US in recent years. The broader China-US rivalry remains a defining dynamic. Both ASEAN and GCC nations have historically strong ties to the US. The US remains ASEAN's largest export market and top foreign investor. GCC countries, long aligned with Washington, now face the challenge of navigating a careful balance between American and Chinese interests, particularly on sensitive technologies and security cooperation. Washington opposes the adoption of Chinese 5G and AI technologies by Saudi Arabia, and similar concerns have led to the suspension of military agreements between the US and UAE. Additionally, discussions about conducting oil trade in the yuan challenge the petrodollar system and attract Western scrutiny. These geopolitical complexities could undermine trilateral collaboration, exposing fault lines and structural vulnerabilities. While sectors such as trade, energy, infrastructure, and advanced technology offer natural areas of convergence, geopolitical competition and cultural divergence present serious obstacles. Moreover, there is a pronounced asymmetry among the actors: Smaller ASEAN economies may lack the institutional and financial capacity to engage fully in this trilateral format. Nonetheless, the China-ASEAN-GCC platform represents a novel configuration within an emerging multipolar world order. It reflects the accelerating momentum of South-South cooperation, which integrates multipolarity with multilateralism and economic globalization. Trump's tariff storm served as a wake-up call for many US partners across ASEAN and the Gulf, underscoring the imperative of diversifying partnerships and embracing pragmatic alternatives. Closer ties with Beijing do not necessarily indicate a wholesale shift from one hegemon to another. Rather, ASEAN and the GCC are striving to engage both China and the US where feasible. Yet, recent developments suggest that Washington's strategy of pressuring states to reduce ties with China in exchange for benefits is losing traction. The key questions now are whether ASEAN can effectively balance great power rivalries to become an autonomous pole in a multipolar world; whether regional actors can sustain this delicate equilibrium and avoid the formation of military blocs in Asia-Pacific and beyond; and whether the trilateral framework itself can endure amid mounting geopolitical tensions. These remain open-ended questions - and the answers will emerge only with time. (
