The Paris office of Israeli airline El Al is vandalized with graffiti
The graffiti was discovered Thursday morning. El Al said the offices were unoccupied at the time of the incident and no one was harmed. Photos shared on social media showed red spray paint across the glass doors and walls, including the phrase 'El Al genocide airline.'
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
11 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump got into a shouting match with Netanyahu after Israeli PM denied pictures of starving Gazans were real: report
President Donald Trump got into a shouting match with Benjamin Netanyahu after the Israeli prime minister denied that images of starving children in Gaza were real, according to NBC News. Israel is building up troops as it prepares to possibly take full control of the Gaza Strip. The private phone conversation that devolved into the two leaders shouting at each other reportedly took place on July 28. The tense discussion came amid U.S. concerns about the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a relief effort backed by the U.S. and Israel, several officials told the network. On July 27, Netanyahu took part in an event in Jerusalem, claiming that 'There is no policy of starvation in Gaza. And there is no starvation in Gaza.' The following day, during his recent trip to Scotland, Trump pushed back, saying that he had seen pictures of children in Gaza who 'look very hungry,' adding that the area is suffering from 'real starvation' and 'you can't fake that.' This prompted Netanyahu to demand a call with the president, and they were connected hours later, according to NBC News. Netanyahu claimed during the call that there was no starvation in Gaza, arguing that Hamas had fabricated it. Trump interrupted and started shouting, saying that he didn't want to hear the assertion that the starvation was fake, adding that his staff had shown him evidence that children are starving. The prime minister's office was quick to deny the claim that a shouting match had taken place. 'The report alleging that a shouting match occurred between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Trump is total fake news,' his office said in a statement on Friday. 'We do not comment on the President's private conversations. President Trump is focused on returning all the hostages and getting the people in Gaza fed,' a White House spokesperson told NBC News. A former U.S. official briefed on the call told the network that the call was 'direct, mostly one-way conversation about the status of humanitarian aid.' Trump 'was doing most of the talking.' 'The U.S. not only feels like the situation is dire, but they own it because of GHF,' the ex-official added in reference to the Gaza Humanitarian Fund. The phone call led to special envoy Steve Witkoff travelling to the region to find a unified way forward. The humanitarian fund has been operating in Gaza since May in designated distribution sites, some distance away from many Gazans in need of food. Large crowds have congregated near these sites, and Israeli troops have at times fired upon them. As of late last month, more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed while trying to get food, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has stated. The U.N. has boycotted the GHF and has operated its own network of aid distributors in the Gaza Strip. Witkoss asked the Israelis if the relief efforts currently in place are sufficient or if they need to expand, according to NBC News. Trump was asked Tuesday if he would back Israel occupying Gaza, to which the president said he was focused on getting food to people in the area. About the possible military occupation, he said, 'I really can't say. That's going to be pretty much up to Israel.'
American Press
13 minutes ago
- American Press
Netanyahu defends planned Gaza City military offensive, says it's the only way to defeat Hamas
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday defended a new military offensive in Gaza that's more sweeping than previously announced, declaring in the face of growing condemnation at home and abroad that Israel 'has no choice but to finish the job and complete the defeat of Hamas.' Even as more Israelis express concern over the 22-month war, Netanyahu said the security Cabinet last week instructed the dismantling of Hamas strongholds not only in Gaza City but also in the 'central camps' and Muwasi. A source familiar with the operation, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media, confirmed that Israel plans it in both areas. The crowded camps — sheltering well over a half-million displaced people, according to the U.N. — had not been part of Israel's announcement Friday. It was not clear why, though Netanyahu faced criticism this weekend within his ruling coalition that targeting Gaza City was not enough. Netanyahu said there would be 'safe zones,' but such designated areas have been bombed in the past. Netanyahu spoke with Trump about plan Netanyahu's office late Sunday said he had spoken with U.S. President Donald Trump about the plan and thanked him for his 'steadfast support.' Rejecting starvation in Gaza as well as a 'global campaign of lies,' Netanyahu spoke to foreign media just before an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council, a platform for outrage but little action on the war. 'Our goal is not to occupy Gaza, our goal is to free Gaza,' Netanyahu asserted. Netanyahu said there is a 'fairly short timetable' for next steps there, but didn't give specifics. The goals, he said, include demilitarizing the territory, the Israeli military having 'overriding security control' and a non-Israeli civilian administration in charge. Israel wants to increase the number of aid distribution sites in Gaza, he said, but in a later briefing to local media, he asserted: 'There is no hunger. There was no hunger. There was a shortage, and there was certainly no policy of starvation.' Netanyahu also said he has directed Israel's military to 'bring in more foreign journalists' — which would be a striking development, as they haven't been allowed into Gaza beyond military embeds during the war.
Boston Globe
13 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Trump's cartel order revives ‘bitter' memories in Latin America
But up and down much of Latin America, any whisper of reviving such actions could also unleash a chain reaction resulting in a surge in anti-American sentiment. The news of Trump's order has already intensified a wariness against intervention from abroad, even in Ecuador and other countries plagued by violent drug wars in recent years. 'I'm a right-wing conservative, so I want armed citizens and the military actually shooting,' said Patricio Endara, 46, a businessperson in Quito, the Ecuadorian capital. 'But I wouldn't agree with having foreign soldiers in Ecuador.' Advertisement That skepticism draws from the bitter memories left by the long record of US military interventions in the region, whether through direct or indirect action, as during Colombia's long internal war. 'Those are formulas that have shown, to the point of exhaustion, their failure,' Iván Cepeda, a Colombian senator, said in an interview. These kinds of interventions 'inflict immense damage,' said Fernando González Davidson, a Guatemalan scholar, pointing to how such actions often strove for regime change. 'The U.S. leaves power in the hands of a corrupt and criminal class aligned with its own interests.' Advertisement A United States-backed coup in 1954 in Guatemala ousted a democratically elected leader over concerns that a land reform project threatened United Fruit Co., a powerful American corporation with large tracts of land there. In the decades that followed, that Guatemalan coup became a rallying cry across the region by exposing US Cold War policy as a tool for protecting US interests over democratic principles and national sovereignty. Long before the US military's involvement in the region became so contentious, President James Monroe's assertion in 1823 that the United States could use its military in Latin America had more bark than bite, historians say. But in the 1840s, President James K. Polk invoked the doctrine to justify the Mexican-American War, which produced the United States conquest of Mexican lands now comprising states such as California, Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico. That humiliating outcome, and other US military interventions in Mexico in the 1910s, profoundly shaped Mexico's political identity, fostering a strong sense of nationalism that is often in opposition to the United States. President Claudia Sheinbaum of Mexico tapped into such sentiment Friday when she rejected the use of US military forces in her country. She made it explicitly clear that Mexico has ruled out any kind of 'invasion.' 'Unilateral US military action inside Mexico would be disastrous for bilateral cooperation on issues like migration and security,' said Arturo Santa-Cruz, an expert on US-Mexico relations at the University of Guadalajara. Advertisement Territorial expansion came into play again during the Spanish-American War in 1898, solidifying the United States' emergence as a global power when it took Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines from Spain. President Theodore Roosevelt followed in 1903 by sending warships to support a revolt by separatists in Colombia. They formed Panama and gave the United States control over the Canal Zone, which Panama fully regained only in 1999. Roosevelt created his own corollary to the Monroe Doctrine the next year, claiming that the United States should exert 'police power' in the Americas when it found cases of flagrant 'wrongdoing.' This pivot turbocharged US interventions, and protecting American property often was the justification. In Cuba alone, US forces intervened on three occasions from 1906 to 1922. During the Cold War, the United States found new ways to intervene. This included supporting coups that ousted democratically elected leaders in Guatemala, Brazil, and Chile. US forces also kept intervening with boots on the ground in places including the Dominican Republic and Grenada, driven by concerns about communists in these countries. So many interventions had the effect of unifying much of Latin America around the issue of sovereignty. Such positioning was on display when Latin American countries recently closed ranks to oppose Trump's threats to regain the Panama Canal. 'There's been an iron will among Latin Americans to define one of their core values as national sovereignty and nonintervention,' said Alan McPherson, a historian at Temple University in Philadelphia. Even as the Cold War was easing in 1989, the United States once again intervened in Panama to depose its de facto leader, Manuel Noriega, who was wanted by US authorities on drug trafficking charges. Advertisement For the Americans, it was 'Operation Just Cause,' said Efraín Guerrero, a community leader who gives walking tours in Panama City to keep alive the memory of the US invasion. 'But for us, it became 'Forgetting Forbidden,' because we have to remember all those who died.' That intervention could provide a template for a similar action in a country like Venezuela, where the United States has doubled a reward, to $50 million, for information leading to the arrest of its leader, Nicolás Maduro, whom US officials accuse of links to gangs such as Tren de Aragua and the Sinaloa Cartel in Mexico. Since the news of Trump's move appeared Friday, some critics of the Venezuelan regime have called for the US military to do just that, asking the US president to order US troops to go after Maduro, just as they targeted Panama's president in 1989. 'Let's hope he does it,' said a Venezuelan woman in the city of Maracaibo, who asked that her name not appear for fear of Maduro. 'This is what we have been waiting for, for years -- for Maduro to leave or for Trump to take him. We Venezuelans would happily give him away.' 'This move or threat by the Trump administration,' said Christopher Sabatini, a Latin America expert at the London-based Chatham House, 'is going to really touch that historic and deeply felt popular nerve' about US interventions in Latin America. However, he said, throughout history there was also, often, 'a particular sort of partisan faction that was lobbying the United States to get involved.' This article originally appeared in Advertisement
