
Book review: Pakistan's secret history, through a spy's eyes
The incident perfectly encapsulates how Brigadier Naseem Akhtar Khan often found himself on the front lines of some of the most pivotal moments of the twentieth century. He also recounted another president, Pervez Musharraf, as a close friend and mentor.
Imagine spending nearly thirty years as an invisible warrior for your country, constantly slipping into enemy territory to gather vital secrets, dodging bullets, and outsmarting those who want to harm your nation. This is essentially what you'll find in Brigadier Khan's book. It is the author's personal journey through decades of high-stakes counterintelligence.
If you think this is just a dry history lesson, you are wrong. All those intense details have been woven into a really absorbing look at South Asian military history, especially focusing on the security challenges Pakistan has faced since it came into existence.
The author firmly believes that a lot of what's said about international strategies in the region is actually made-up information spread by Pakistan's enemies to hurt its interests. That was his basic inspiration when he decided to write this book, using his own experiences as a reliable guide for anyone trying to understand the past, and predict what might happen next. At its heart, the book is about how he sees the power plays happening in South Asia between both regional and global players. Brig Khan thinks it'll be incredibly helpful for readers to get a more realistic grasp of our constantly changing world order.
There are a multitude of thrilling stories in the book, worthy of any Hollywood blockbuster, and it shouldn't be surprising, given how the backdrop of Brig Khan's life easily lends itself to such high-stake action.
From the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan to 9/11 and through conflicts against neighbouring India, the former intelligence and military officer got a first-hand view of history unfolding in real time in his 23-year career in ISI.
Brig Khan's story is like something out of fiction. The dashing soldier came from relatively humble beginnings in Kashmir, a warm family and proud ancestry fueling his own ambitions to 'Touch the sky', as he and his sister would cry as they played as children.
There are several unexpected turning points in his life. The first one put him on a high achieving academic path that lead to the Pakistan Military Academy. His military career took off in the Army in 1969, but when he was asked to report for ISI, he worried this might spike his rise up the regular ranks. Yet there was another unprecedented opportunity, in 1979, when the Soviets went into Afghanistan, and the support Pakistan was able to provide proved instrumental to CIA efforts to undermine their Cold War rivals.
The Brigadier would also see first-hand how Pakistan was betrayed by its allies in the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Union. After 9/11, Pakistan was coerced by the US into supporting its own invasion of Afghanistan and this led to its own wave of terrorism.
It is these difficult times in his country's history where Brig Khan's vantage point and analysis are most instructive for events that unfolded in 2025, including how domestic politics continues to undermine national interests, while the US is underestimating their need for the country, as it elevates India to counter China.
The turbulent times Brig Khan navigated as a patriot and one of Pakistan's invisible warriors has helped him to acquire such important perspectives, so that in his retirement and in private-sector security work, he has now been able to share them in this fine book.
Despite first and foremost being primarily a family man, Khan nevertheless put his life on the line for his nation several times. Regardless of the personal risks, his priority would be to protect Pakistan's interests. Loyalty features large in his story, yet it is ironic that outsiders might feel loyalty has no place in the spy game.
He is unsparing in his assessment of the problems caused by the interplay between Pakistan's politicians and the army in civilian governance matters, leading to the failure, and painful loss of East Pakistan.
Khan's book also serves as a concise history of Pakistan and he is able to deftly explain to readers who might not be aware, how an elite group of 22 families, accumulated such wealth and gained political power at the start of its journey, and that this ruling class influences its future even today.
What Brig Khan delivers to the reader is a memoir packed with his real-life experiences, all told in a way that makes sense. He really dives into the people, groups, and the organisations that shaped his life, trying to pull you into his world so you can truly understand what it's like to be a Pakistani soldier.
Mustafa Alrawi is a leading journalist and Group Director Editorial Partnerships at IMI Media, Abu Dhabi, UAE
All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the writer
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
Book review: Pakistan's secret history, through a spy's eyes
Published by Pen & Sword Military, Caught in the Crossfire: The Inside Story of Pakistan's Secret Services, begins with the author recounting a dramatic story from 1982, featuring former president General Zia Ul Haq. The incident perfectly encapsulates how Brigadier Naseem Akhtar Khan often found himself on the front lines of some of the most pivotal moments of the twentieth century. He also recounted another president, Pervez Musharraf, as a close friend and mentor. Imagine spending nearly thirty years as an invisible warrior for your country, constantly slipping into enemy territory to gather vital secrets, dodging bullets, and outsmarting those who want to harm your nation. This is essentially what you'll find in Brigadier Khan's book. It is the author's personal journey through decades of high-stakes counterintelligence. If you think this is just a dry history lesson, you are wrong. All those intense details have been woven into a really absorbing look at South Asian military history, especially focusing on the security challenges Pakistan has faced since it came into existence. The author firmly believes that a lot of what's said about international strategies in the region is actually made-up information spread by Pakistan's enemies to hurt its interests. That was his basic inspiration when he decided to write this book, using his own experiences as a reliable guide for anyone trying to understand the past, and predict what might happen next. At its heart, the book is about how he sees the power plays happening in South Asia between both regional and global players. Brig Khan thinks it'll be incredibly helpful for readers to get a more realistic grasp of our constantly changing world order. There are a multitude of thrilling stories in the book, worthy of any Hollywood blockbuster, and it shouldn't be surprising, given how the backdrop of Brig Khan's life easily lends itself to such high-stake action. From the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan to 9/11 and through conflicts against neighbouring India, the former intelligence and military officer got a first-hand view of history unfolding in real time in his 23-year career in ISI. Brig Khan's story is like something out of fiction. The dashing soldier came from relatively humble beginnings in Kashmir, a warm family and proud ancestry fueling his own ambitions to 'Touch the sky', as he and his sister would cry as they played as children. There are several unexpected turning points in his life. The first one put him on a high achieving academic path that lead to the Pakistan Military Academy. His military career took off in the Army in 1969, but when he was asked to report for ISI, he worried this might spike his rise up the regular ranks. Yet there was another unprecedented opportunity, in 1979, when the Soviets went into Afghanistan, and the support Pakistan was able to provide proved instrumental to CIA efforts to undermine their Cold War rivals. The Brigadier would also see first-hand how Pakistan was betrayed by its allies in the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Union. After 9/11, Pakistan was coerced by the US into supporting its own invasion of Afghanistan and this led to its own wave of terrorism. It is these difficult times in his country's history where Brig Khan's vantage point and analysis are most instructive for events that unfolded in 2025, including how domestic politics continues to undermine national interests, while the US is underestimating their need for the country, as it elevates India to counter China. The turbulent times Brig Khan navigated as a patriot and one of Pakistan's invisible warriors has helped him to acquire such important perspectives, so that in his retirement and in private-sector security work, he has now been able to share them in this fine book. Despite first and foremost being primarily a family man, Khan nevertheless put his life on the line for his nation several times. Regardless of the personal risks, his priority would be to protect Pakistan's interests. Loyalty features large in his story, yet it is ironic that outsiders might feel loyalty has no place in the spy game. He is unsparing in his assessment of the problems caused by the interplay between Pakistan's politicians and the army in civilian governance matters, leading to the failure, and painful loss of East Pakistan. Khan's book also serves as a concise history of Pakistan and he is able to deftly explain to readers who might not be aware, how an elite group of 22 families, accumulated such wealth and gained political power at the start of its journey, and that this ruling class influences its future even today. What Brig Khan delivers to the reader is a memoir packed with his real-life experiences, all told in a way that makes sense. He really dives into the people, groups, and the organisations that shaped his life, trying to pull you into his world so you can truly understand what it's like to be a Pakistani soldier. Mustafa Alrawi is a leading journalist and Group Director Editorial Partnerships at IMI Media, Abu Dhabi, UAE All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the writer


Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
SAARC alternative: myth or reality?
Listen to article This week a news item was flashed on font pages of almost all the newspapers in Pakistan. The news was about the possibility of creation of an alternate organisation to replace the dysfunctional regional organisation SAARC. The idea of creating this alternative organisation is probably built on the premise that over the years India-Pakistan tensions have stalled and made SAARC dysfunctional so an alternate organisation be created that should exclude India. If this premise is right - which I think is so - then it leads to many pertinent questions that must be first correctly answered. Currently, China is a SAARC observer and not a member country but the core of the alternative SAARC organisation being proposed is anticipated to be built around the two nuclear powers in the region, China and Pakistan. SAARC has a South Asian identity whereas China is not in South Asia but East Asia. China shares a very long border with India and borders with Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan and Afghanistan but geographically China is not part of South Asia. So, to start with, any imaginative alternative organisation led by China that is being considered as a replacement to SAARC will represent a geographic space that can be called anything but representing South Asia. ASEAN, Arab League, OIC and EU are organisations that represent ideological and geographic identities. Attainment of regional peace, economic cooperation and non-interference in internal affairs are the core concepts around which these organisations are structured and on the basis of which they operate. The ideal goal for all of them is to promote and achieve Arab, South East Asian, Muslim and European unity but essentially all these organisations except OIC represent a region and its priorities. If China takes a lead to replace SAARC then that imaginative organisation will neither represent association of South Asian countries nor the region of South Asia. In any case SCO as a regional organisation, led by the two great land powers, Russia and China, already exists and much that is being imagined to be achieved by an alternate to SAARC can be achieved under the mandate of SCO. Pakistan might view the creation of an alternative organisation to SAARC as a win-win situation for it, as this would indicate a regional dissatisfaction of India's role and may mean a diplomatic victory for Pakistan. But what about the geopolitical and strategic implications? Geopolitically, there are more chances that the region will be further divided into pro-India and anti-India blocs. India led SAARC as its economic engine and many countries in the region excluding Pakistan depended on Indian aid, infrastructural development and trade. Strategically, India will contest any attempt by China to interfere in its sphere of influence and disturb the already existing Indian dominance and control. Countries like Bhutan and Maldives that are heavily dependent on India for their trade and security will not prefer to join any anti-India bloc. It will also be not easy for Bangladesh and Nepal to do the same as both countries have a history of shared interests with India and both share borders with India. Sri Lanka too will find it difficult to become part of an anti-India bloc as it also heavily depends on India for aid, trade and fuel supplies. Sri Lanka was a recipient of $4 billion aid from India during its economic crisis of 2022-23. The most interesting is the question about Afghanistan and why it will not like to become part of any anti-India organisation or bloc. Historically, Afghanistan has always stood up to fight any attempts aimed to control it externally. The not so friendly relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan are also built around this core Afghanistan policy concept. Over the years India has offered development oriented and non-interventionist aid to Afghanistan. India invested $3 billion in Afghanistan, building schools and colleges, Afghan Parliament, Salma Dam and roads including Zaranj-Dilaram Highway that connects Afghanistan to Iran. There was news of Afghanistan planning to even have a naval fleet at Iran's Chabahar Port. India has invested in the Iranian port with a view to bypassing Pakistan for trade with Afghanistan. The Eastern Corridor of INSTC (International North South Transport Corridor) ends in Afghanistan and makes Afghanistan part of this alternate transport corridor against BRI. Afghanistan maintains cordial relationship with India to balance against Pakistan's influence and control; and so, for Afghanistan to join any alternative organisation which is anti-India and led by China and Pakistan will not be an easy decision to make. Considering that India is a rising power, a land bridge which ensures connectivity of South Asian countries and which also maintains a big naval presence in the Indian Ocean excluding India from any future alternative organisation to replace SAARC will only weaken rather than bolster regional cooperation and problems. There are both the economic and realistic logics for creating an alternative organisation to replace SAARC. The economic logic addresses the problem of how to get rich, to maximise prosperity by creating organisations that can promote economic deals and investments with other countries. However, the first question that states ask as actors in the regional and international system is a realist question and that question is - how best to survive? The economists prefer to get rich but the realists prefer to be more powerful to be able to survive and whenever both the economic and realist logic find themselves in a conflict it is always the realist logic that states prefer. States prefer to become part of regional and international organisations and institutions. EU and NATO came into existence under the same concept. Over the years, EU has done so well because the US through NATO provided EU the security umbrella and instead of competing for security the EU countries invested in their economies. But this has come at a cost. EU does what the US asks it to do. EU's collective foreign policy is driven due to its economic and security relationship with the US. Today, most European countries realise that they don't have an independent foreign policy and they are beholden to the US. Built only on an economic logic, any alternative to SAARC led by China seems to be a bright idea but seen from a realist perspective there are many questions that the states will have to answer related to their foreign policy and overall security. It is by getting right answers to these questions that the very idea of having an alternative to SAARC will either fail or succeed.


Business Recorder
3 days ago
- Business Recorder
Revival of SAARC: new regional order
With the paralysis of The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) since 2016, South Asia's dream of economic and political integration has remained frozen. But today, a new dynamic is emerging—one that is being steered not by New Delhi but by Beijing and Islamabad. China and Pakistan are exploring a Beijing-led regional alternative to revitalize cooperation in South Asia. This development could redefine regional power dynamics, marginalize India's influence, and establish parallel regional orders. While this initiative opens new economic and diplomatic opportunities for smaller South Asian nations, it also introduces risks of regional fragmentation and geo-strategic rivalry. This brief outlines the key motivations, implications, and strategic options for the main stakeholders—Pakistan, China, India, and smaller regional states. Pakistan sees opportunity in SAARC where India sees stalemate as its advantage. With SAARC in paralysis and India preoccupied with bilateralism and Indo-Pacific strategic partnerships, Islamabad is stepping into the regional vacuum—backed by China's economic and diplomatic might. A China-led platform would give Pakistan renewed regional relevance, potentially connecting it with Afghanistan, Central Asia, Iran, and smaller South Asian states through corridors like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). More importantly, it would allow Pakistan to escape India's veto on regional initiatives and present itself as a gateway between South Asia, the Middle East, and Eurasia. For China, South Asia has long been India's backyard. But with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), military outreach, and now possible regional institutions, Beijing is embedding itself into the region's architecture. A China-led SAARC alternative allows Beijing to increase soft power projection, open trade corridors, and potentially reshape the rules of economic and security engagement in Asia. With growing partnerships in Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives, China is positioning itself as an integrator where India is increasingly seen as an abstainer. India's boycott of SAARC in 2016 could be politically understandable; but it was strategically costly. While New Delhi has shifted focus to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) for economic benefits and to be a part of group of four countries — India, Japan, Australia, Japan and United States—for Asia Pacific security dialogue (QUAD), and bilateral diplomacy, it has effectively abandoned leadership of regional integration. India remains the region's largest economy, but its reluctance to engage in a regional forum with Pakistan has eroded its credibility as a unifying force in South Asia. In contrast, China—despite being an outsider—has built multilateral leverage through connectivity, infrastructure, and diplomacy. New Delhi now faces a dilemma: rejoin the regional table and reclaim its leadership role, or risk seeing its neighbors drift further into China's orbit. India has a choice to be a spoiler or a beneficiary. With two parallel regional visions emerging — one led by India (BIMSTEC and Indo-Pacific frameworks QUAD) and another by China and Pakistan (possibly BRI-aligned) — South Asia risks becoming more divided than ever. For smaller nations, this presents both opportunity and risk. They can leverage competition for development gains, but also face mounting pressure to choose sides. The main challenge in this emerging bifurcation for the region is not just diplomatic; it's economic and social. South Asia, which is home to a quarter of the world's population, remains one of the least integrated regions globally. Its intra-regional trade is a mere fraction of what it could be, while cooperation on energy, migration, climate change, and water resources is minimal. The region must be provided a chance and an enabling environment to prioritize economic pragmatism over bloc politics. It could push for legally binding frameworks that protect sovereignty and prevent debt distress. What South Asia needs is not two rival orders, but a common platform of mutual respect, inclusivity, and economic interdependence. A China-Pakistan-led regional bloc could reshape South Asian cooperation in the post-SAARC era. While it offers opportunities for development and new alignments, it also raises concerns about exclusion, dependency, and geopolitical competition. The region's stability and progress demand a balanced, inclusive, and multipolar framework where all regional countries are one among equals and have freedom to jointly work together and not the replacement of one hegemonic model with another. China must tread carefully. Smaller South Asian countries value development aid but are wary of becoming pawns in great power games. If the new forum is seen as a geopolitical project rather than a cooperative one, regional resistance could rise. South Asia does not need two rival orders; it needs a common platform of mutual respect, inclusivity, and economic interdependence. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025