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India Today
22 minutes ago
- India Today
Taken At The Flood: Jagdeep Dhankhar's journey through India's political currents
Life moves like a restless river, always flowing and changing course. At times, it lifts us up to new heights; at other times, it draws us back. But, as Shakespeare wrote, there are moments in life—high tides—that, if seized, can carry us to great fortune. The story of Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, who resigned on Monday, is much like this river, full of ebb and At The FloodIn 1989, India's political landscape was turbulent, with the Congress facing unprecedented challenges from a united opposition. It was a Dickensian ode to the best of times for the non-Congress opposition and the worst for the Congress and then Prime Minister Rajiv young PM, who had caught the nation's fancy with his persona and vision, had suddenly lost his sheen. A penumbra of corruption, opportunism, and communalism had surrounded his early aura. Bofors, a Swedish gun, had become a household name, and the streets echoed with a nasty slogan: 'Gali, gali main shor hai, Rajiv Gandhi chor hai.' Another narrative was unfolding with the unravelling of Rajiv Gandhi—the rise of Hindutva, amplified by BJP's campaign for a Ram Temple in Ayodhya. As BJP leader LK Advani led a 'Rath Yatra' through the heart of India, leaving behind a legacy of Hindutva revivalism and a trail of blood, a strange alliance shaped Indian politics. It presented Jagdeep Dhankhar an opportunity to ride the high tide of Unlikely AllianceThe left is left, and the right is right, and the twain shall never meet. This axiom of politics turned on its head when the BJP, the Janata Dal—led by VP Singh—and the Left joined hands against Rajiv Gandhi in the 1989 elections. The alliance shredded the social tapestry the Congress had woven through clever caste and communal equations. In many places, it brought rival social groups together, creating a solid vote bank against the Congress. The impact of this coalition was felt most in states like Rajasthan, where feudal-era loyalties had created deep schisms between politically vocal castes like Jats and Rajputs. For the first time in Indian history, these arch-rivals united to uproot the 1989The desert town of Jhunjhunu, possibly named after a chieftain called Jhunjha, is the beating heart of Shekhawati, a region in Rajasthan known as the birthplace of some of India's biggest business tycoons. Born in a small village in Jhunjhunu, Dhankhar moved to Jaipur to practice law, where he became president of the High Court Bar Association. But his political destiny awaited him in politics is dominated by three groups—the numerically superior Jats, the politically united Muslims, and the socially powerful Rajputs, who once ruled as chieftains. The politics of Jhunjhunu was historically dominated by the Congress, which created a solid vote bloc of Jats, Muslims, and Dalits. In 1989, two leaders blasted away this bonhomie, giving Dhankhar a rare opportunity in Tau and The ThakuradvertisementAmong the Jats of Rajasthan, especially in the Shekhawati region, Chaudhary Devi Lal emerged as an unexpected star, even though his karma bhoomi was the adjoining state of Haryana. Revered as Tau by followers, Devi Lal shook Rajasthan's political landscape when he announced his candidature from Sikar, against Congress heavyweight and fellow Jat, Balram Lal's decision to contest from Sikar, which abuts Jhunjhunu, drew Jats to the opposition in the entire Shekhawati region. They combined with the Rajputs, led by BJP stalwart Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, and the lure of VP Singh, a Thakur, to form a formidable group that guaranteed opposition victory.A Pivotal Rally: The Turning PointIt was Tau Devi Lal's 75th birthday, an occasion turned into opposition's heft at Delhi's Boat Club. Dhankhar, a young lawyer with political ambition, organised a large gathering from Jhunjhunu to attend the birthday rally.A few days later, while his Sangram Colony house in Jaipur was dipped in the dark because of a power cut, light shone through. Devi Lal and Ajit Singh visited him, offering him the chance to contest from Jhunjhunu. Riding on the anger against PM Gandhi, thrust forward by the combined might of the Jat-Rajput coalition, Dhankhar swept the and FlowThe river of destiny shifted its course in November 1990. VP Singh, carried to power by high hopes and the surge of public will, formed the government. Dhankhar was inducted as a junior minister, ironically, on the recommendation of Bansi Lal, a Congress leader. In November 1989, VP Singh's government fell toppled by collapsing alliances. Chandra Shekhar, whose journey had long flowed against the mainstream, now found himself steering the that moment's confluence, another opportunity emerged when he was called to serve as Minister of State in the government. But, he refused to take oath, objecting to the inclusion of Rajasthan leaders Daulat Ram and Kalyan Singh as senior March 1991, Chandra Shekhar's government, always precarious, lost the support that had kept it standing. Faced with mounting political pressure and growing isolation, he resigned, bringing his brief time in office to an end. With the cabinet dissolved, Dhankhar's role in national politics faded as quickly as it had appeared. The attention shifted, new names emerged, and for Dhankhar, it was a return to relative obscurity, his moment on the central stage quietly passing into Out the LullThe gates of Parliament had closed, but ambition still stirred. Politics, though, seldom forgives or forgets. The Congress, regaining dominance through the 1990s, saw Dhankhar make a pragmatic shift—he joined its ranks, winning a state assembly seat in 1993. For a while, after his assembly win, Dhankhar's career he made a political blunder. In the caste-driven politics of Rajasthan, Dhankhar positioned himself as a Jat leader. Unfortunately for him, the reins of the Congress passed to Ashok Gehlot, who swiftly purged the party of Jat leaders. Denied the chance to contest for the Assembly by Gehlot, Dhankhar joined the NCP, and then the BJP ahead of the 2003 Assembly polls. Vasundhara Raje, his old friend and the new BJP satrap, refused to give Dhankhar a Rajya Sabha ticket, ending his dream of a return to national 15-year ExileHis political journey, once brimming with promise, was derailed by a mix of his own impatience, sudden changes in allegiance, and missteps, as well as the rise of regional leaders who viewed the shrewd lawyer with suspicion. Consequently, after brief spells in nearly every major political party within a decade, he found himself pushed to the sidelines, left to while away his has its own rhythm. At the beginning of the millennium, Dhankhar waited patiently for the tide to turn. Visitors to his farm on the outskirts of Jaipur were treated with the luxury of time and the coffee he blended himself, stirring it for hours with a political wilderness stretched for nearly 15 years. Dhankhar, however, remained more than a distant memory. He remained active in the legal world, earning renown as a sharp, argumentative advocate in the Supreme Court. In these years, he forged quiet but potent links with the RSS, lending his insights and tenacity to the background operations of the Sangh and BJP, even as he was denied a formal Angles of ReturnIn 2019, fortune turned. The BJP, seeking a seasoned and regionally credible leader, tapped Dhankhar as Governor of West Bengal—a surprise move that returned him to the center of political action. His legal acumen and deep understanding of political strategy became assets as he dealt with the fierce, often confrontational politics of Bengal, often sparring with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. His confrontational style was rewarded by the BJP with his election as Vice President in 2022. But another chapter was Health and Political ConcernsThis March, Dhankhar underwent a procedure for removal of blockages in the heart. But the problem of low blood pressure and fainting spells persisted. This, according to official sources, is the reason for his sudden the real reason is complex. Sources close to Dhankhar cite his continuous neglect by the BJP top brass, indicating a rapid souring of relationship. In his home state, Rajasthan, the Vice President felt slighted by the chief minister, Bhajan Lal, who would often ignore his trips, or requests. Sources close to him say he was being insulted on purpose–a clear message that his stock had fallen within the 20 was the birthday of his wife, Dr Sudesh Dhankhar. A feast was organised for the staff, with jalebis flown in from Jaipur. There was no sign of his impending resignation, though Dhankhar was aware that he had overstayed his welcome. Whispers in political circles suggest tensions with BJP leadership over his outspoken remarks on farmers and the judiciary, though no official confirmation a day later, on the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament, Dhankhar quit. 'He was simmering because the top brass had turned cold and aloof. Things had turned so bad that the party leadership would ignore even his salutations and greetings,' a family source of the SurvivorsDhankhar's journey is less a tale of permanent ascent and more one of resilience—the ability to wait, adapt, and seize opportunity when it arises. His recent resignation is simply the latest bend in a long, unpredictable course. Jagdeep Dhankhar has navigated the floods with remarkable tenacity. Will he catch another high tide, or is this the end of his political journey? Time will reveal its future ebb and flow.- Ends
Mint
22 minutes ago
- Mint
Mint Explainer: Why does the EU keep sanctioning Russia?
On Friday the European Union imposed its 18th package of sanctions against Russia for its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. This round of sanctions may affect India more than previous ones. But do sanctions even work? What's the thinking behind them, and how have they affected Russia? What are the latest EU sanctions against Russia? The latest EU and UK sanctions against Russia are their most stringent yet. The aim is to show Western solidarity against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine on 24 February, 2022. Key measures in the latest package fall under eight categories: energy, finances, trade, anti-circumvention, military capabilities and supply chains, protecting EU member-states from arbitration, Russian accountability, and against Russian ally Belarus. Within these categories, the list of measures is fairly exhaustive. Key measures include: Isn't Russia already under Western sanctions? What's the point of a new package? Indeed it is – since 2022 in fact, when the Group of Seven (G7) countries — Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK and US — announce the first punitive package after Russia invaded Ukraine. Australia joined in, too. The highlights were a price cap of $60 per barrel of Russian oil, and excluding Russia from systems of international bank transfers such as SWIFT. The goal of the new package to tighten the original sanctions, as indeed they have been incrementally. This is because Russia has been able to counter the G7 sanctions by selling oil cheaply to China and India — massive, growing economies that thirsty for oil. Surely these are easy to plug? You would think. In fact, no one's blameless in this game of geopolitics. Together, China and India represent a massive market for G7 and EU goods. A shrinking world helps no one. Secondly, the G7 and EU also opportunistically skirted the sanctions by buying refined petroleum products from India. According to the Global Trade Research Initiative, an Indian think-tank, India exported $19.2 billion worth of petroleum products to the EU in FY24, but this slid to $15 billion in 2024-25. Another sanctions-buster was the shadow fleet of around 1,000-1,400 tankers that Russia used to move its oil around, camouflaging its ownership and registration details. The latest sanctions seek to address both these gaps — re-export of refined petroleum products and shadow fleets. How do these gaps arise? Aren't sanctions meant to be water-tight? You wish. Data from the S&P Global Commodities at Sea and Maritime Intelligence Risk Suite shows more than 39% of Russia's 3.36 million barrels per day of seaborne crude in June was loaded by tankers 'flagged, owned or operated" by companies based in the G7, the EU, Australia, Switzerland or Norway, or insured by 'Western protection and indemnity clubs". This was the highest monthly reading since November 2023 and well above 19% in May, though not too far from 36.9% in April. Greek shippers were particularly brazen. Some analysts said fears of breaching sanctions were easing because Western governments mainly targeted shadow fleet operators rather than mainstream shipping companies. Note that the ban on third-country exports of refined products made from Russian oil has five powerful exceptions: Canada, Norway, Switzerland, the UK, and the US. So war is good for business? That's a sad and old truism of economics. To buttress that point, there are other gaps, too. The American think-tank Atlantic Council said most Russian banks maintain access to SWIFT, which allows them to conduct international transactions and settle cross-border payments. The think tank calculated that Russia imported over $900 million worth of battlefield and dual-use technology per month in the first half of 2023. How do the sanctions affect India? The current package will hit India harder than the previous rounds, analysts said. First, it has strictures against EU imports of petroleum products made from Russian oil and refined by third countries such as India. 'India's $5 billion exports of petroleum products to the EU are at risk. Although India continues to engage in legitimate trade with Russia, the political optics of such transactions is shifting in Western capitals. As energy ties deepen, India will have to walk a fine line between economic pragmatism and geopolitical pressure," said GTRI founder Ajay Srivastava. Second, the EU has targeted Indian firm Nayara Energy Ltd, whose ownership is split between Russian energy giant Rosneft and SPV Kesani Enterprises Co Ltd, an investment consortium. According to Reuters, Russian energy giant Rosneft has a 49.13% stake in Nayara Energy's 400,000-barrels-per-day refinery at Vadinar, Gujarat. It owns nearly 7,000 fuel outlets across India and is developing an integrated petrochemicals plant next to its refinery, as Mint reported earlier. The sanctions are set to complicate Rosneft's plans to sell its stake in Nayara. According to Bloomberg, Rosneft held talks with Reliance Industries Ltd for a possible stake sale. The Russian giant has been unable to repatriate earnings from Nayara because of previous sanctions. What about India' oil imports? India depends on imports for around 85% of its oil requirement. Since the first round of sanctions, its purchases of Russian crude have jumped from 1% of its total oil imports to 35%. The even-lower price of $47 for Russian crude will help Indian industry. In case Russian supplies are hit, Indian Oil Corp will "go back to the same template [of supplies] as was used pre-Ukraine crisis when Russian supplies to India were below 2%," chairman A.S. Sahney said. Oil minister Hardeep Singh Puri aso said he wasn't worried. "India has diversified the sources of supply and we have gone, I think, from about 27 countries that we used to buy from to about 40 countries now," he said. India's oil imports from Russia rose marginally in the first half of the year, with private refiners Reliance Industries Ltd and Nayara Energy accounting for about half of the overall purchases from Moscow. What has India said about all this? As India is the world's fastest-growing major economy, energy security is a big part of its economic and foreign policy objectives. The latest round of EU sanctions hasn't pleased New Delhi at all. "India does not subscribe to any unilateral sanction measures. We are a responsible actor and remain fully committed to our legal obligations," external affairs ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. "The government of India considers the provision of energy security a responsibility of paramount importance to meet the basic needs of its citizens. We would stress that there should be no double standards, especially when it comes to energy trade." Are the sanctions against Russia working? This isn't easy to estimate. According to the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), an independent think-tank with Finnish founders, Russia's total global fossil fuel earnings in the third year of the invasion reached €242 billion and have totalled €847 billion since the start of the invasion. China, India and Turkey are the biggest buyers of Russian oil. So Russian workarounds are certainly working; hence the tighter sanctions. But in May, Russia's monthly fossil fuel export revenues dropped 3% month-on-month to €565 million per day — the lowest since the invasion — according to CREA. The EU has been the largest buyer of Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) since the first sanctions until May 2025. It imports sanctioned goods through Georgia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, according to researchers at King's College London. Then there's always China, which supplies high-tech products. According to the IMF, Russia's GDP per capita has declined to $14,260 from nearly $16,000 in 2013. At the same time, there are contradictory reports about how stores in Russia are full of luxury goods smuggled in from neighbouring countries. Clearly, the EU and other western powers are in it for the long haul. US President Donald Trump's policy flip-flops over Ukraine (he now supports the besieged nation) means Russia has been able to bomb the country at will. This time around, too, the US opposed an EU push for an even lower price cap of $45 on Russian oil. So, what's the bottom line? Remember, the 2022 sanctions built on measures first introduced in 2014 in response to Russia's annexation of Crimea and other neighbouring areas. So, as long as there is no peace between Russia and Ukraine, the sanctions regime will continue, affecting Indian and other countries in the process. Trump has now given Russia 50 days to agree to a peace deal. What if it doesn't? What's the plan? We don't know.
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Business Standard
22 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Air India Group completes fuel control switch checks on Boeing planes
Air India and its low-cost subsidiary, Air India Express, have completed precautionary inspections of the locking mechanism of fuel control switches on all Boeing 787 and 737 aircraft in their fleets, complying with a directive issued by the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) on July 14. The DGCA's directive followed the preliminary report issued on July 12 by the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) into the June 12 crash of Air India flight AI171, which killed 260 people. The report found that both engine fuel control switches on the Boeing 787 had transitioned from "Run" to "Cutoff" just seconds after takeoff from Ahmedabad, resulting in a dual engine failure. The cockpit voice recorder captured one pilot asking the other why the fuel was cut off, to which the other replied that he had not done it. A Mayday call was made shortly before the aircraft crashed into a building near the airport. In a statement issued on Tuesday, Air India said, 'Air India has completed precautionary inspections on the locking mechanism of the Fuel Control Switch (FCS) on all Boeing 787 and Boeing 737 aircraft in its fleet.' 'No issues were found with the said locking mechanism,' the airline said, adding that it had started voluntary inspections on July 12 and completed them within the prescribed time limit set by the DGCA. The airline has formally communicated this to the regulator. Although the exact cause of the switch movement on AI171 remains undetermined, the incident led the DGCA to issue a mandatory inspection order on July 14. The DGCA's order referenced a 2018 Special Airworthiness Information Bulletin (SAIB) from the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). That FAA bulletin had warned of the possibility that Honeywell-manufactured fuel control switches on certain Boeing aircraft — including the 737 and 787 — might be installed in a way that disables their locking mechanism, which is meant to prevent accidental switch movement from "Run" to "Cutoff." However, the FAA did not issue any fresh directive after the AI171 crash, and the 2018 SAIB remains advisory. The UK Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) has also stated that there is no need for any action by Boeing. Meanwhile, some foreign carriers, such as Singapore Airlines and Etihad Airways, conducted precautionary checks of their own accord. The DGCA's July 14 order required Indian operators of affected Boeing aircraft to complete inspections by July 21 and report back. Boeing 777s are exempt from the order as they do not use the switches under scrutiny. The DGCA order applied to Boeing fleets across five Indian carriers: Air India, Air India Express, IndiGo, SpiceJet, and Akasa Air.
