Intellectually disabled students call on Legislature to create more inclusive college opportunities
Mar. 3—Maine high schoolers with intellectual and developmental disabilities are urging lawmakers to support the creation of more inclusive higher education opportunities.
More than a dozen students, advocates and higher education leaders spoke Monday at a public hearing in front of the Education and Cultural Affairs Committee to support LD 46, a bill sponsored by Rep. Kelly Murphy, D-Scarborough. The bill would create Inclusive Post Secondary Education, or IPSE, programs at five Maine colleges through $100,000 grants.
These programs, housed at traditional colleges or universities, are designed for students with intellectual or developmental disabilities or autism, which have their own admissions process and special support systems. The bill would also provide scholarships for students. A similar bill passed the House and Senate last year but didn't receive funding from the appropriations committee.
"For so many students with intellectual disabilities or who are on the autism spectrum, formal education most often ends with their high school diploma," Murphy said while introducing the bill. "This proposed legislation could change that, in alignment with educational opportunities already being offered in other states."
Laurel Huntsberger, a senior at the Ecology Learning Center charter school in Unity who has Down syndrome, said she wants to go to college like her peers but is unsure what opportunities she has in Maine.
"I don't know what's next for me after graduation. I fall into a gap. I haven't found programs that meet my needs, interests and abilities," Huntsberger testified. "This bill offers a solution that supports many young people who are capable and eager for college but need some extra support to be successful in that setting."
Maine has one program, founded in 2023, for intellectually and developmentally disabled students at Saint Joseph's College in Standish. There's also a new program in the works at the University of Maine at Farmington.
Kate Worden, a senior at Deering High School in Portland who takes both special education and mainstream courses, testified about the economic benefits of creating postsecondary opportunities for intellectually disabled students. She said students who participate in IPSE programs have three times the employment rate of their disabled peers who do not.
"Peer models help us achieve academic and social goals. We build relationships, increase our networks, and most importantly, we acquire independent skills," Worden said.
Higher education professionals from several Maine institutions also spoke in support. Audrey Bartholomew, a University of New England professor of education, said Maine educators already have an interest in creating IPSE programs.
"The expertise, the energy and the commitment are already here. What's missing is the initial investment to get these programs off the ground. This bill provides a critical first step," she said. "A modest amount of funding can serve as a catalyst for a new movement in Maine, allowing colleges and universities to develop inclusive higher ed programs and, most importantly, provide scholarships."
Sarah Howorth, an associate professor of special education at the University of Maine, testified in support of LD 46 on behalf of the state's public university system. She said expertise on intellectual disabilities, and education for students with them, already exists within the system, and she echoed ideas about the broad economic benefits of increasing higher ed opportunities for those students.
"A transition to meaningful employment is a way that many young people find fulfillment in early adulthood, and advances the goal in the state's 10-year economic strategy of increasing labor force participation, including among individuals with disabilities," Howorth testified. "It's also important to remember that the services and supports that are offered to students with autism and intellectual disabilities on college campuses, like peer mentors, will help all students."
Copy the Story Link
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
13 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Kweisi Mfume is pitching an old-school approach to one of House Democrats' highest-profile jobs
Frustrated by Democrats' seniority system, Kweisi Mfume fled the House three decades ago, saying he could do more to advance civil rights from the outside. Now he's back and trying to reap the benefits of seniority at a moment when many in his party are starting to openly question it. The Baltimore native last month surprised many House colleagues by entering the wide-open race to lead Democrats on the high-profile Oversight Committee, seeking to fill the spot vacated by the sudden death of Virginia Rep. Gerry Connolly. Into the void jumped a pair of young, ambitious members — Jasmine Crockett of Texas and Robert Garcia of California — as well as a close Connolly ally, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts. And then there's Mfume, who at 76 is making no bones about this being the capstone of a long career that included stints leading the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP — jobs he took back in the 1990s. 'I started a long time ago when dinosaurs roamed the earth,' Mfume joked in an interview, before describing his old-school approach to legislative relations: 'The first thing you learn is how to count votes, which has never failed me yet,' he said, adding that he would be careful not to alienate colleagues 'by doing something that causes problems for them in their district.' Rather than detail a point-by-point agenda for taking on President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans, Mfume said if elected he'd convene the committee's Democrats to decide a course of action. The party, he said, can only move forward with a 'consensus.' That style stands in sharp contrast to a Democratic base that's itching for more aggressive leadership and a more visible fight with Trump — something the other candidates are clearly heeding: Garcia has tangled with the Justice Department over his criticism of Elon Musk; Crockett has broached the prospect of a Trump impeachment inquiry; and Lynch, as the panel's interim top Democrat, attempted last week to subpoena Musk during a panel hearing. The race also threatens to become a proxy fight for broader questions about age and seniority inside the Democratic Party. House Democrats ousted several aging committee leaders at the end of last Congress as they girded for a fight with the Trump administration — and many in the base were disappointed when Connolly triumphed over Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. The winner is poised to lead efforts to investigate and thwart the Trump administration if Democrats can retake the House majority next year — and ride herd on a chaotic panel that in recent months has featured intense personal attacks between lawmakers and the display of nude photos. 'It's a street fight every day,' said Rep. Lateefah Simon of California when asked about the panel and what it takes to lead it. 'It's every single day being able to expose the hypocrisy of this administration and to tell the truth.' There was a time when Mfume would have been a natural choice for such a moment. First elected to Baltimore's City Council at the age of 30, he quickly butted heads with legendary Mayor William Donald Schaefer. After longtime Rep. Parren Mitchell retired, Mfume easily won the seat in 1986 and within a few years become a national figure due to his chairmanship of the CBC. Ascending to that role just as Bill Clinton was elected to the presidency, he became an important power broker, forcing key concessions in Clinton's 1993 budget and pushing the White House to restore ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. He also clashed with Clinton at times, including over his decision to pull the nomination of prominent Black legal scholar Lani Guinier to a top Justice Department post. But after Democrats lost their House majority in 1994 — and Mfume lost a quixotic bid to enter the party leadership — he decided two years later to forgo a long climb up the seniority ladder. He instead took the helm at the Baltimore-based NAACP, a job thought to better harness his skills at organizing and oratory. Former Maryland state Sen. Jill Carter said Mfume has long had the 'it factor' and 'charisma' that matters in politics. When Carter ran against Mfume in his 2020 House comeback bid, she got a reminder of how well her rival was known in the district and beyond: 'When some of my people did exit polling, they got the response, 'Oh, we love Jill but, come on, this is Kweisi.'' What's less clear is whether Mfume's reputation in Baltimore, burnished over 45 years in the public eye, makes him the man for the moment as far as his contemporary House colleagues are concerned. He's not known as a partisan brawler, and he said in the interview he doesn't intend to become one. 'There are always going to be fights and disagreements,' he said. 'It's kind of escalated in the last few years to a level that we haven't seen before. I think the main thing is to moderate and to manage the disagreements, because you're not going to cause any of them to go away. How you manage them and how they are perceived by the overall public is what makes a difference.' Mfume is leaning heavily, in fact, on the style and reputation of the man who filled the 7th District seat for the 24 years in between his House stints — the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who served as top Democrat and then chair of Oversight during Trump's first term and is still spoken of in reverent terms inside the caucus. Mfume concedes that Cummings might have been the better communicator — he 'had a little more preacher in him than I do' — but said they share a similar lofty approach to politics. Like Cummings, he suggested prescription drug prices might be a committee priority. What Mfume is unlikely to have is the official support of the Congressional Black Caucus, a powerful force in intracaucus politics. With two members in the race — Crockett also belongs — Mfume said he does not expect a formal CBC endorsement after an interview process Wednesday. But he still expected to draw support from the bloc — especially its more senior members. Other factors complicate Mfume's candidacy. One is age: He is a year older than Connolly was when he was elected to lead Oversight Democrats last year. For those who prize seniority, Lynch has actually spent more time on the panel. And his 2004 departure from the NAACP was marred by controversy: The Baltimore Sun reported the executive committee of the group voted not to extend his contract under threat of a sexual harassment lawsuit; the NAACP later paid the woman who complained a $100,000 settlement. Mfume strenuously denied any wrongdoing, but while the episode has not emerged as a major issue in the Oversight race, some Democrats have privately expressed reservations about elevating a leader with personal baggage to potentially lead investigations of Trump. 'There's never been one person to corroborate that one allegation — not one,' Mfume said. About the payment, he said, 'I found out about it, quite frankly, after it happened.' Much of the Democratic Caucus remains undecided ahead of the June 24 secret-ballot vote. Candidates will first go before Democrats' Steering and Policy Committee, which will make a recommendation to the full caucus. 'I think that you have a situation where Mfume and Steve Lynch are getting support from folks who put seniority at top, and maybe the other two candidates would probably lean toward members who are newer, and then you got a whole host of folks that's in the middle. And I think that's where the battle is to see where they fall,' said Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.). One younger member said he was swayed by Mfume's experience. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is 48 and had weighed his own bid, said that while other candidates were compelling, the Baltimorean had a 'leg up.' 'Kweisi shows me pictures of him with Nelson Mandela,' he said. 'I was like, I'm not going to run against Nelson Mandela's best friend.'
Indianapolis Star
19 minutes ago
- Indianapolis Star
Mike Braun is failing Indiana, yet wants to be president
Mike Braun hated being a U.S. senator and left after one failed term. Now, he's not quite six months into a failing term as Indiana governor, and he's already looking for his next job. Politico's Adam Wren reports Braun is discussing a run for president in 2028, the strongest signal yet that he is as delusional as he is inept. Here's Braun's record as governor so far: He over-promised a massive property tax cut and couldn't deliver. It won't get better from here. The economy is worsening, which means Braun is likely to oversee an era of increasingly draconian budget cuts, rising unemployment and accelerated decline in rural areas. That is not the stuff of presidential campaigns. Put aside Braun's botched first legislative session. Presidents need to be good at politics. Braun is bad at politics. Braun didn't have the political acumen to stop Micah Beckwith's lieutenant governor nomination last year, but he thinks he can navigate a presidential primary? Does he know that other people will be running? Briggs: Jim Banks would let Trump commit any crime you can imagine Braun's fiasco at last year's Indiana Republican Party convention saddled him with a lieutenant governor who overshadows him at every turn and is openly opposing him. Remember, President Trump actually endorsed Braun's preferred running mate, state Rep. Julie McGuire, and it didn't matter. Beckwith won anyway because Indiana's populist right views Beckwith as authentic and Braun and his team as MAGA cosplayers. Beckwith's outsized presence has forced Braun into errors, such as making the ill-advised property tax promise and then doubling down on it at a Beckwith-headlined rally where Braun was the third wheel. Braun lacks principles and objectives, so he operates as a copycat politician. But he doesn't actually understand why figures such as Trump or Beckwith are successful, so he offers awkward imitations and looks pathetic. Yes, Braun has won big elections. He ran an exceptional campaign for U.S. Senate in 2018 and then lucked his way through an overcrowded and underwhelming GOP primary field for governor last year before winning in November. Despite all that winning, he doesn't have a single substantive achievement to serve as a foundation for a presidential run. He doesn't even have a lame culture war win. Braun is a sad man in a blue shirt who can't appreciate any of his business or electoral success because he's always looking for the next big, powerful job to give his life meaning. There is no national demand for someone like this to run for president. Braun is not going to be president. What's worse, Braun also won't be much of a governor. Who do you know who excels at a job they don't want? Braun is bored with being governor, just like he got bored early in his Senate term. We're stuck for three and a half years with someone who pursued the governor's office for a dopamine rush and now would prefer to be elsewhere. Briggs: Diego Morales is rubbing our faces in his corruption. Impeach him now. Braun checking out on Indiana was entirely predictable. Why did he want to be a senator? Why did he want to be governor? Why does he want to be president? I'm genuinely asking. As far as I can tell, Braun has no theory of government external to his own ambitions. He runs for office for the sake of running for office. Unlike when Braun was a non-factor in the Senate, Hoosiers will notice him checking out now. Braun is not even a sure thing to win a second term as governor, should he decide to run, much less a top-tier contender for the presidency. The only thing ahead for Braun, 71, is retirement. He can either come up with something productive to do and try to leave a lasting impact on Indiana, or keep doing TV hits and signing inconsequential executive orders to look busy. Either way, his presidential ambition is a fantasy. The most pitiful thing about Braun is he'll be the last person to figure that out.
Business of Fashion
an hour ago
- Business of Fashion
French Senate Backs Law to Curb Ultra Fast-Fashion
France's Senate approved a revised version of a law regulating fast fashion on Tuesday, which if implemented would ban advertising by fast-growing Chinese e-commerce platforms like Shein and Temu. Senators in the upper house of parliament voted almost unanimously for a modified version of a bill passed by France's lower house last year, which aims to reduce the environmental impact of the textile industry. Critics say the low-priced garments produced by fast-fashion chains drive excessive consumption and waste, exacerbating the textile sector's impact on the environment. An amended version of the bill distinguishes between 'ultra' fast fashion and 'classic' fast fashion, however, imposing less onerous restrictions on European fast-fashion players like Zara and Kiabi, but drawing criticism from environmental groups. The 'clarifications (made by the Senate) make it possible to target players who ignore environmental, social, and economic realities, notably Shein and Temu, without penalising the European ready-to-wear sector,' said Jean-Francois Longeot, chair of the Senate's Committee on Regional Planning and Sustainable Development. 'Shein is not a fast fashion company,' said the Chinese firm in a statement in response to the vote, adding that its model was 'part of the solution, not the problem'. Faced with competition from very low-priced products, several French brands are experiencing significant difficulties, such as Jennyfer, which went into liquidation at the end of April, and NafNaf, which has been in receivership since May. The law would also introduce penalties for both fast and ultra fast-fashion companies if they don't meet certain environmental criteria, reaching at least 10 euros per item of clothing by 2030, or up to 50 percent of the product's price excluding tax. The government needs to notify the European Commission of the vote, and will then need to set up a joint committee to reach a compromise between the Senate and lower house versions of the law before it is implemented. By Florence Loeve; Editors: Dominique Patton and Mark Potter Learn more: Tariffs Won't Kill Fast Fashion, But They Might Kill Sustainable Fashion Some have hailed America's escalating trade war as a means to finally curb overconsumption of cheap goods. Instead, the economic hardship its likely to bring on will eviscerate efforts to transform the industry for the better, writes Kenneth P. Pucker.
