Thai army halts most border traffic to Cambodia
BANGKOK: Thailand's army closed border crossings with Cambodia in six provinces on Monday (Jun 23) to all vehicles and foot passengers except students and people seeking medical treatment, as a territorial row between the neighbours rages.
A long-running dispute over small stretches of the frontier erupted into military clashes last month in which a Cambodian soldier was killed.
The latest border restrictions apply to foreigners as well as Thais, and mean that tourists cannot enter Cambodia via the popular Aranyaprathet-Poipet crossing point.
The military said that border crossings in the provinces of Surin, Buriram, Sri Sa Ket, Sa Kaeo, Chanthaburi and Trat would be closed with immediate effect to all but essential traffic.
"These measures will allow for medical treatment and for students including the purchase of essential products," Major General Winthai Suvaree said.
The move comes a day after Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet .
Cambodia has also stopped imports of Thai fruit and vegetables, banned Thai dramas from TV and cinemas, and cut internet bandwidth from Thailand.
Thailand was Cambodia's third-biggest trading partner in 2022, according to the World Bank, with imports reaching US$3.8 billion, of which fuels accounted for 27 per cent.
Hun Manet visited troops on the border on Monday and an evacuation centre housing some 3,850 people moved from their homes near the border as a precaution.
The standoff has triggered a political crisis in Thailand, where a leaked phone call between Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra prompted a major party in the ruling coalition to walk out.
Paetongtarn is facing calls to quit or call an election as she battles to hang on to power. Thailand summoned the Cambodian ambassador on Friday to complain about the leak, which included Paetongtarn making disparaging remarks about the Thai military commander in the border region.
Cambodia has asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to help resolve the border dispute in four areas: the site of last month's clash and three ancient temples.
The border row dates back to the drawing of the countries' 800km frontier in the early 20th century during the French occupation of Indochina.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CNA
2 hours ago
- CNA
Commentary: The onset of ‘de-Jokowi-sation' in Indonesian politics?
SINGAPORE: After nearly a month of mounting controversy, a group calling itself the Forum of Retired TNI Soldiers (FPP) has submitted a letter to Indonesia's Parliament and People's Consultative Assembly, urging the initiation of impeachment proceedings against Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka. President Prabowo Subianto has signalled his readiness to listen to the concerns of the retired generals, but there are deeper undercurrents. In recent months, Prabowo has consolidated his power by sidelining former President Joko Widodo and inching closer to his predecessor's political rivals. The call for Gibran's impeachment stems from concerns over his eligibility to serve as the nation's second-highest elected leader and alleged procedural flaws in the Constitutional Court ruling that allowed him to run. The forum comprises 332 retired military personnel and initially issued a petition expressing concern over the current state of the nation. Although Prabowo and the political elite in Jakarta do not appear to be taking the FPP movement seriously, they have not ruled out the possibility of impeaching the vice president. Prabowo has pledged to listen to the concerns of the retired generals and expressed his willingness to engage in dialogue. Jokowi, Gibran's father, has dismissed the idea of impeachment, arguing that it would be impossible since the Indonesian people elected Gibran and Prabowo on a joint ticket. MOVING AWAY FROM JOKOWI The FPP's push to impeach Gibran appears to be part of a broader effort to reduce Jokowi's lingering influence. Early in his presidency, Prabowo seemed to allow Jokowi significant influence over government affairs. Without much fanfare that would attract controversy, however, Prabowo has gradually begun to roll back many of Jokowi's signature initiatives — most notably, large-scale infrastructure projects like the new capital city, Nusantara. In their place, Prabowo is introducing his own flagship programmes, such as the sovereign wealth fund Danantara, free nutritious meals for students, food estates in Papua and other regions, the Red and White Village Cooperatives, and 'People's Schools'. Eight months into his term, Prabowo is showing an approach that is distinct from Jokowi's. The latter sought to introduce laws that strengthened the government's control of the bureaucracy of local governments. Prabowo has gone a step further by showing a stronger preference for a command economy and state capitalism — an outlook he articulated in his two books, Kepemimpinan Militer (Military Leadership) and Paradoks Indonesia (Indonesian Paradox). Like Jokowi, Prabowo brought most of Indonesia's major political parties into his coalition. But in Prabowo's case, he did so arguably not to empower them but to neutralise opposition and consolidate control. Unlike Jokowi, Prabowo has been quietly building up a powerful institution, the military. Through a steady consolidation of power, Prabowo has made significant strides in what appears to be a deliberate process of de-Jokowi-sation. This effort has also triggered a broader realignment among the political elite, with many of Jokowi's key allies gradually sidelined and replaced by figures loyal to Prabowo. At the same time, Prabowo has begun to draw closer to Megawati Soekarnoputri, chair of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Jokowi's chief political rival. While this rapprochement has not yet materialised into a formal alliance, Prabowo's overtures to Megawati clearly signal his intent to step out of Jokowi's shadow. Jokowi has also found himself mired in a trivial yet persistent controversy: There have been questions raised about the authenticity of his degree from the Gadjah Mada University. Realising the damage to his image and political dynasty, Jokowi eventually took legal action. The de-Jokowi-sation process has also involved the systematic weakening of figures once central to Jokowi's inner circle. One example is Budi Arie Setiadi, the Minister of Cooperatives and leader of the Pro-Jokowi volunteer network. He is now embroiled in a scandal after being accused of facilitating online gambling during his previous role as Minister of Communication and Information. Similarly, Erick Thohir, the Minister of State-Owned Enterprises and once a powerful figure under Jokowi, has been increasingly sidelined since the establishment of Danantara. Once seen as a potential future presidential contender, Thohir now appears to be excluded from making major policy decisions, signalling a sharp decline in his political influence. A similar fate has fallen on Bahlil Lahadalia, the Minister of Investment and Head of the Investment Coordinating Board. Prabowo appears intent on curbing Bahlil's influence, particularly following his failure in the distribution of 3kg LPG gas canisters. Bahlil is also entangled in a nickel-mining scandal on Gag Island, near the Raja Ampat conservation area in Papua. However, sidelining Bahlil has proven more complicated than with other figures. Unlike Thohir, who lacks a formal political base, Bahlil chairs the Golkar Party — the second-largest party in Parliament after PDI-P. Jokowi played a huge part in his ascent to the party leadership, via the ousting of former chairman Airlangga Hartarto through a corruption case. CONSOLIDATING POWER Prabowo has effectively consolidated his power, in part by weakening key state institutions. Given that Jokowi has retained some influence over the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), Prabowo has approached both with caution. The president is aware of the police's significant power and its historical rivalry with the military. The KPK, widely viewed as operating within the police's orbit, has also been left largely untouched. Instead, Prabowo has moved to strengthen the Attorney General's Office and the judiciary. He ordered the TNI Commander to provide security for prosecutors and their offices, despite these agencies already having their own internal security forces. He has pledged to raise judges' salaries, signalling his intent to shift the institutional balance of power. The de-Jokowi-sation process has unfolded quietly, without triggering political upheaval or disturbing overall stability. Prabowo has allowed Jokowi's critics to erode his predecessor's influence, a strategy that ultimately benefits his own administration. Jokowi's influence within the government has been effectively neutralised. Gibran, while unlikely to be impeached, is likely to remain a political lame duck. Increasingly, Jokowi realises the crucial importance of having a political vehicle for his survival. This likely explains his recent move to float the idea of taking over the leadership of the Indonesian Solidarity Party by replacing his youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep. But it may be too late.
CNA
8 hours ago
- CNA
Study to evaluate 8 offshore islands' vulnerability to sea level rise
Singapore is studying how vulnerable eight of its offshore islands are to rising sea levels. This was announced at the opening of the Singapore International Water Week. In a pre-recorded message, Sustainability and the Environment Minister Grace Fu said strengthening the country's flood resilience and adaptation is an "urgent priority". CNA speaks to Dr Renard Siew, Climate Adviser at the Centre for Governance and Political Studies and Adjunct Professor of Sustainability at Taylor's University in Kuala Lumpur.
CNA
8 hours ago
- CNA
Thai army halts most border traffic to Cambodia
BANGKOK: Thailand's army closed border crossings with Cambodia in six provinces on Monday (Jun 23) to all vehicles and foot passengers except students and people seeking medical treatment, as a territorial row between the neighbours rages. A long-running dispute over small stretches of the frontier erupted into military clashes last month in which a Cambodian soldier was killed. The latest border restrictions apply to foreigners as well as Thais, and mean that tourists cannot enter Cambodia via the popular Aranyaprathet-Poipet crossing point. The military said that border crossings in the provinces of Surin, Buriram, Sri Sa Ket, Sa Kaeo, Chanthaburi and Trat would be closed with immediate effect to all but essential traffic. "These measures will allow for medical treatment and for students including the purchase of essential products," Major General Winthai Suvaree said. The move comes a day after Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet . Cambodia has also stopped imports of Thai fruit and vegetables, banned Thai dramas from TV and cinemas, and cut internet bandwidth from Thailand. Thailand was Cambodia's third-biggest trading partner in 2022, according to the World Bank, with imports reaching US$3.8 billion, of which fuels accounted for 27 per cent. Hun Manet visited troops on the border on Monday and an evacuation centre housing some 3,850 people moved from their homes near the border as a precaution. The standoff has triggered a political crisis in Thailand, where a leaked phone call between Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra prompted a major party in the ruling coalition to walk out. Paetongtarn is facing calls to quit or call an election as she battles to hang on to power. Thailand summoned the Cambodian ambassador on Friday to complain about the leak, which included Paetongtarn making disparaging remarks about the Thai military commander in the border region. Cambodia has asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to help resolve the border dispute in four areas: the site of last month's clash and three ancient temples. The border row dates back to the drawing of the countries' 800km frontier in the early 20th century during the French occupation of Indochina.
