A dereliction of duty in the Senate
In what many are calling an astonishing dereliction of duty, the Maryland Senate's Judicial Proceeding Committee (JPR) failed to move 'Good-Cause' eviction legislation forward. Despite unprecedented statewide support, including a 96-37 vote in the House last year, JPR allowed amendments pushed by the landlord/developer (LL/D) industry tying the legislation to rent stabilization laws, and weakening good-cause standards, letting landlords arbitrarily and unjustly evict renters from their homes.
The committee's first amendment would have required rent stabilization programs across Maryland to drop vacancy control from apartment homes. Vacancy control maintains rent levels for apartments when a tenant moves out. Vacancy decontrol lets rent float up to market rates, often to levels new tenants cannot afford. Affordable housing advocates adamantly oppose decontrol, pointing to the further loss of reasonably priced housing stocks.
The second series of amendments would have knocked the teeth out of the good causes that would be required to justify nonrenewal of leases and the eventual eviction of a tenant who stays longer than the lease term, known as Tenant Holding Over (THO). Including minor violations of a lease or community rules, for example, as a justification to evict turns on its head the very principle of establishing a stated, substantial violation to justify forcing someone from their home.
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Consensus has been building for decades that stable, quality homes are central determinants of community health, welfare and prosperity. The idea that a rental apartment is a mere 'unit' no different than any commodity, like craft beer or concert tickets, has faded as the relationship of stable, quality housing to social welfare and prosperity has changed.
Nearly 40% of Maryland residents now live in rental housing not as a station on the way to owning, but as permanent housing. It is no longer acceptable to destabilize whole communities with unpredictable and excessive rent increases that rely entirely on market potential, or to evict without good reason, without considering the social and economic costs to tenants and our communities.
At least that's what we thought …
But alongside modern thinking on housing policy that promotes affordability, and legislation to ensure stability, a counter narrative promoted by the rental housing industry and its well-financed network of lobbyists and bloggers has spawned, citing cherry-picked and distorted data.
The narrative goes like this: Things like good-cause protections, rent stabilization or stronger code and rights enforcement might sound nice to uneducated renters and their advocates, but they don't really need them. What they really need is investment in building more housing so that market competition will eliminate the lack of affordability and disincentivize bad landlord behavior.
They define the housing crisis solely as a 'shortage,' citing market demand for housing while ignoring the instability of existing residents' housing, and conveniently omitting discussion around when or how that demand might be met in specific markets. They say all we need to do is 'build our way out of the crisis.'
Industry-friendly bloggers cite the building boom of the Sun Belt and how housing prices there have come down, not mentioning high vacancy rates and low demand in some of those cities. They cite the St. Paul, Minnesota, sample where new multifamily building slowed after rent stabilization passed — but fail to mention how, when the city went back and exempted new development long enough for investors to recoup their investment and make a profit, investment in multifamily housing continued at its hurried pace.
Closer to home, the LL/D bloggers cite the lack of building in Takoma Park, citing rent stabilization as the cause. They don't mention the lack of land availability in Takoma Park, now understood to be a built-out community.
Housing codes and renter protections were introduced decades ago to put an end to the squalor, instability and abuse past generations of tenants endured. Teachers, police, nurses, retail workers, immigrants, young families and now, an increasing number of senior citizens are no longer able to purchase a home in a housing market that places home ownership well out of their reach.
Marylanders must ask why Senate Judicial Proceedings Chair Will Smith (D-Montgomery) and Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Baltimore City) would give deference to these fallacious industry narratives that set up a false choice between renter protections and building more housing, rather than using every tool at their disposal to get this done for constituents demanding action — and facts.
More than 5,000 Marylanders were evicted last year for THO, likely a tip-of-the-iceberg figure as it does not count those who move before going to court. Until our elected officials press them on just what that means, we will continue to see whole renter communities destabilized, while anger grows at those elected to represent them who failed to act.
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National Geographic
4 days ago
- National Geographic
How the Confederate flag became an enduring symbol of racism
It was never the official flag of the Confederacy. But the Confederate flag has since been claimed by white supremacists and mythologized by others as an emblem of a rebellious Southern heritage. Confederate flag supporters climb Stone Mountain—the largest Confederate monument ever crafted—during a rally on August 1, 2017. They were protesting the appointment of the first African American to lead the board overseeing Stone Mountain Park, which is located in an area with centuries-old ties to the Ku Klux Klan. Rev. Abraham Mosley was appointed in 2019. Photograph by John Amis/AP Photo The Confederate flag has a complex history in the United States. Alongside the nation's growing acknowledgment of systemic racism in recent years, the flag predictably makes appearances at white supremacist gatherings. But how did the battle flag, also known as the 'Southern Cross,' come to represent the Confederacy in the first place? It's a story of rebellion, racism, and disagreement over the true history of the American Civil War. Here's the history of the flag. A lithograph from 1897 displays four prominent designs of the Confederate flag and states that the images 'help in keeping within us recollections of those who gave their lives to the 'Lost Cause,' and to perpetuate the memories and traditions of the South.' Photograph courtesy the Library of Congress Though it came to symbolize the Confederate cause, the flag was never the official symbol of the Confederate States of America. Instead, it was one of multiple banners that emerged during the brief Civil War. The CSA formed in the wake of the secession of 11 Southern states beginning in 1861. During the raid on Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, that kicked off the rebellion, members of South Carolina's militia identified themselves with a flag featuring a single white star on a dark blue background. Known as the 'Bonnie Blue flag,' the lone star was quickly picked up as a symbol of Confederate bravery. In 1862, the CSA adopted its first national flag, the 'Stars and Bars.' With a white star representing each Confederate state and three stripes, the flag riffed on the Union flag. Lithuania's timeless city On the battlefield, however, both looked similar enough to cause confusion among Confederate soldiers. The problem became tragically clear during the Civil War's first battle, First Manassas. As Confederate General Pierre Beauregard later recalled in his memoirs, he saw 'a flag which I could not distinguish … I could not tell to which army the [waving] banner belonged.' 'Friendly fire' and general disorientation caused frustration despite a victory for Confederate armies. Resolved never to inflict that type of confusion on his troops again, Beauregard asked his aide-de-camp, Confederate politician William Porcher Miles, to propose a design for a new battle flag. He came up with what is now known as the 'Confederate Battle Flag,' featuring an X-shaped cross and white stars representing each state to secede from the Union. The battle flag took hold in the public conscience. 'The flag would have meant treason' for loyal Unionists, independent historian Kevin Levin says. 'It would have been interpreted as [a symbol of] rebellion.' Meanwhile, the Southern Cross took hold in the South. It did not, however, become the CSA's official flag, though the Confederacy incorporated it in the left-hand corner of one of the three national flags it adopted over time. A symbol of segregation The Confederacy collapsed with its defeat in 1865, but its symbols retained their potency. 'There's continuity in how people understood its meaning,' says Levin. After the war, the reunified U.S. abolished slavery and attempted to confer civil rights on Black men. But that period, known as Reconstruction, ended in 1877. With its end, Southerners set to work rebuilding the segregated racial and social order they had fought a war to maintain. (Reconstruction offered a glimpse of equality for Black Americans. Why did it fail?) Part of that new social order was Jim Crow, a restrictive system of racial segregation laws that barred Black Americans from voting, education, and other civil rights. The newly founded Ku Klux Klan violently enforced this social order. Both used the Confederate battle flag to do so. At first, writes historian Gaines M. Foster for Zócalo Public Square, the battle flag was used regionally, tied to the memory of the war. By the early 20th century, it had become part of the myth of the 'Lost Cause,' whose proponents held that the Civil War was fought not to uphold slavery, but to protect Southern states from Northern aggression. The myth helped white Southerners come to terms with their defeat—and withstand the 'economic, racial, and social uncertainty' of the postwar period, writes Caroline E. Janney, a historian at the University of Virginia. It also kept the Confederate battle flag waving long after the war's end, as one of the most visible symbols of the Lost Cause. (Where did 'Jim Crow' come from?) Robed Ku Klux Klan members watch Black demonstrators march through Okolona, Mississippi, in 1978. The protesters were demanding diverse hiring and were boycotting the area's stores. A crowd of white teenagers protest school integration in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1963. Photograph by Flip Schulke, CORBIS/Corbis/Getty The flag remained largely local, but that changed in 1948 with the 'Dixiecrats,' or States' Rights Democratic Party, a racist, pro-segregation splinter party formed by Southern Democrats. They objected to the Democratic Party's adoption of a pro-civil rights platform and were dismayed when hundreds of thousands of African Americans registered to vote in Democratic primaries after the Supreme Court declared all-white primaries unconstitutional. The Dixiecrats's adoption of the Confederate battle flag as a party symbol led to a surge in the banner's popularity, and a 'flag fad' spread from college campuses to Korean War battlefields and beyond. The Southern Cross symbolized rebelliousness, historian John M. Coski writes in The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem. But now it gained 'a more specific connotation of resistance to the civil rights movement and to racial integration.' The identification stuck, and the flag's use proliferated. 'The flag emerges as a central symbol of massive resistance during the civil rights era,' says Levin. Within decades, it was a staple for artists attempting to portray anti-establishment cool. It flew onstage with Lynyrd Skynyrd and adorned the Dukes's car on the wildly popular The Dukes of Hazzard TV show. Some claimed their use of the battle flag meant nothing more than Dixie pride and regional affiliations. But it retained its associations with hatred and racial terror, especially during the 1994 trial of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the assassination of civil rights leader Medgar Evers 31 years earlier in 1963. De La Beckwith wore a pin of the battle flag daily at the trial, making it impossible to forget his racial convictions. (He was convicted of murder.) (How the assassination of Medgar Evers galvanized the civil rights movement.) As the flag resurged in popularity, so did protests against its use. One noteworthy push against the flag was the NAACP's 15-year economic boycott of South Carolina for its use of the banner. Another was Coleman v. Miller, a 1997 lawsuit filed by a Black man who alleged Georgia's use of the flag infringed on his 14th Amendment rights. Coleman ultimately lost his suit, but the suit spawned other attempts to remove the flag from the grounds of multiple state capitols. Debates about the flag and its use never disappeared, says Levin—and it comes with a new set of potential meanings for different people. 'There's an eye of the beholder element in all this,' he says. (How the U.S. Voting Rights Act was won—and why it's under fire today) There was little question about what the flag meant to Dylann Roof, a white supremacist who shot and killed nine churchgoers at the Emanual AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015. After images of the shooter carrying Confederate battle flags emerged, multiple states bowed to pressure to remove the symbol from public spaces. Men fly a massive Confederate flag during a Black Lives Matter protest in Charleston, South Carolina, in August, 2020. Photograph by Kris Graves, National Geographic Activist and filmmaker Brittany 'Bree' Newsome climbed a 30-foot pole outside of the South Carolina state capitol to remove the Confederate flag weeks after a shooting at a predominantly Black Charleston church in 2015. Newsome was arrested, but state officials voted to remove the flag from the building the following month. Photograph by Adam Anderson, REUTERS Levin doesn't see the flag falling out of favor among extremist groups or white supremacists anytime soon. But he adds that public outcries and the social upheaval of recent years means the flag has been semi-retired, at least in official life. 'There's still an element that will embrace the Confederate flag or other Confederate symbols,' he says, 'but I think the question of whether they're appropriate has already been answered.' This story originally published on January 12, 2021. It was updated on August 8, 2025.

Miami Herald
27-07-2025
- Miami Herald
ICE arrests Maryland pastor for overstaying visa, holds him in Louisiana
BALTIMORE - A pastor from Maryland's Eastern Shore has been arrested by U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement and transported to a detention facility in Louisiana after the agency said he overstayed his visa. Daniel Fuentes Espinal, a 54-year-old father of three originally from Honduras, has been pastor of the Iglesia del Nazareno Jesus Te Ama (Church of the Nazarene Jesus Loves You) in Easton since 2015. His family fled violence in Honduras in 2001, when ICE said Fuentes Espinal was granted a visa to remain in the U.S. for six months. "Fuentes entered the United States on a 6-month visa and never left in 24 years. It is a federal crime to overstay the authorized period of time granted under a visitors visa," ICE said in a statement. Fuentes Espinal's daughter, Clarissa Fuentes Diaz, was eight years old when she left Honduras with her father and was recently notified she would become a U.S. citizen. She told multiple news outlets that Fuentes Espinal, who also works in construction, was followed to a Lowe's hardware store on the day of his arrest and taken into custody while running routine errands. Fuentes Espinal was held in Salisbury and Baltimore before being moved to the Winn Correctional Center, a private prison facility used by ICE to detain immigrants in northwestern Louisiana, according to Fuentes Diaz. This facility is about an hour's drive from an ICE detention center in the town of Jena, where Columbia University pro-Palestine activist Mahmoud Khalil was held for more than three months. Fuentes Espinal's two other children were born in the U.S., according to Maryland Matters. Sen. Chris Van Hollen, who emerged as a leader among Democrats by visiting El Salvador when Kilmar Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported this spring, told Maryland Matters that his office has been in contact with Fuentes Espinal's family and is continuing to monitor the situation. Maryland Reps. Sarah Elfreth and Glenn Ivey, both Democrats, sent a letter to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, calling for Fuentes Espinal's release. The letter notes that Fuentes Espinal has no criminal record in his more than two decades living in the U.S. "We believe that the arrest and detention of Pastor Espinal does not reflect this Administration's repeated commitment to arrest, detain, and remove violent criminals," the letter reads. "… His arrest and detention by ICE does nothing to further your state goals of making America safer." The Maryland Office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations also condemned the arrest, calling Fuentes Espinal a "widely respected pastor" who has tried to obtain American citizenship. "Detaining a widely respected pastor who has been serving the Maryland community for twenty years while attempting to rectify his legal status sends a chilling message," CAIR's Maryland director, Zainab Chaudry, said in a statement. "We call on ICE to immediately release this pastor and stop wasting government resources targeting immigrants who have done nothing but contribute to our society." As of Saturday morning, a GoFundMe campaign for Fuentes Espinal's legal expenses and to support his family had raised more than $28,000 of its $40,000 goal. Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.
Yahoo
13-06-2025
- Yahoo
Maryland Democrats celebrate party wins, but Trump and GOP Congress are never far off
U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.) was a special guest speaker at the 2025 Maryland Democratic Party Gala on Thursday. (Photo by Danielle J. Brown/Maryland Matters). It was a celebration of Maryland Democrats and their victories over the past year, but the specter of President Donald Trump and the Republican Congress was never far off. With fancy gowns, sharp suits and drinks in hand, several hundred Maryland Democratic politicians, advocates and donors gathered Thursday at Martin's West and tried to find the light in their uphill battle against the Trump White House and the Republican majority in Congress. But in three hours of speeches, nearly every speaker stressed that the fight against Trump's administration needs to continue — even if the challenges seem insurmountable. That included the evening's keynote speaker, Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), a one-time pastor at Douglas Memorial Community Church in Baltimore. 'We will not give in to those who are trying to weaponize fear and despair,' Warnock told the crowd. 'We will not be intimidated into silence. We must raise our voices now more than ever. 'We are not going to give in to the rhetoric … of those who are trying to divide us. People who have no vision,' he said. 'They don't know how to lead us, so they are trying to divide us.' During the evening, Democratic leaders aired a wide range of grievances against the Trump administration's actions over the last five months — from mass layoffs of federal workers to the 'erroneous' deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to massive proposed budget cuts for programs such as Medicaid. While much of the evening served as a rallying cry to push back against Republicans in Congress, the evening also functioned as a farewell event to the outgoing Maryland Democratic Party Chair Ken Ulman, who will officially resign from the position Friday. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE Ulman said he was proud of what was accomplished in the time since he took over as chair in 2023. 'We've been busy the last couple of years. What did we do? In 2024, we won some elections. We won some big elections,' Ulman said. 'We kept our margin in the federal delegation. Angela Alsobrooks beat Larry Hogan – it took 10 years, we got him.' He was referring to the election of U.S. Sen. Angela Alsobrooks (D) against former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan (R). Ulman also recognized wins by Democratic freshman Reps. Johnny Olszewski Jr. (2nd), Sarah Elfreth (3rd) and April McClain Delaney (6th), and he celebrated the party's hand in staving off several school board candidates — normally nonpartisan elections — who were politically aligned with the conservative group Moms for Liberty. But always it came back to the Trump administration. Democrats promised to fight back against what Alsobrooks called 'a horrible time' in America. 'We must understand in this moment that we have to fight back with everything within us, because we are not only harming ourselves here at home, but our image across the world is at stake,' Alsobrooks told the gala. 'What a horrible time it is for our country.' Many of their comments centered around the budget reconciliation bill known as the 'One Big Beautiful Bill,' which aims to reduce federal spending by drastically cutting funds to programs such as Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, also known as SNAP or food stamps. In a live recording of the Maryland Democratic Party's new podcast, called 'Burn the Talking Points,' Maryland's freshman House members were asked to describe the Big Beautiful Bill in one word. Olszewski said the bill was 'ugly,' Elfreth called the legislation 'an abomination,' while McClain Delaney simply called it 'mean.' Also speaking Thursday were Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-8th), as well as Maryland Comptroller Brooke Lierman, and Lt. Gov. Aruna Miller. Gov. Wes Moore (D) ended the evening with his usual bright message of encouragement for the years ahead under the Trump administration. 'As Sen. Warnock said, these are challenging times. No one can deny it,' he said, adding that he hoped to see Maryland take charge in pushing back against Trump and the Republicans. 'There is something that no one can deny. Maryland is showing that we can do different. That inside this moment, we have to be able to call out injustices,' Moore said. 'And we have to be able to call out the atrocities that we are seeing from this administration. 'But we also have to be very clear that calling out the atrocities will not be enough — we have to show what an alternative can actually be,' he said.