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Looking at Women, Looking at War by Victoria Amelina review – in memory of the Ukrainian novelist who catalogued war crimes

Looking at Women, Looking at War by Victoria Amelina review – in memory of the Ukrainian novelist who catalogued war crimes

The Guardian11-02-2025

When Russia attacked Ukraine on 24 February 2022, Victoria Amelina was a novelist and children's writer, and the founder of a literary festival staged in New York, a town in the Donetsk region. But the invasion, of course, changed everything. What purpose did fiction have now, Amelina wondered? Wanting fervently to be useful, in the next weeks and months she worked in a humanitarian warehouse in Lviv, found vital medicines for those who needed them, and helped to evacuate both civilians and their pets from the most dangerous corners of the country. Most significantly of all, she volunteered as a war crimes researcher, training with a Kyiv-based NGO called Truth Hounds.
If such work was horrifying, it was also inspirational. Soon, she was thinking of a different kind of literary project: a book about the women who, like her, were taking huge risks to document the war. She would write this book in English, and in it she would deploy a purposeful jumble of interviews, diary entries, reports from field missions, Ukrainian history and even poetry. Such a book, she believed, wouldn't only play its small part in holding the perpetrators accountable; one day, it would help to give 'lasting peace a chance'. For a year, she worked on it, even as she performed all her other roles. On 27 June 2023, however, she was in a pizzeria in Kramatorsk in Donetsk when it was hit by a Russian missile. Sixty-four people were injured and 13 killed. Amelina died in hospital a few days later.
Looking at Women, Looking at War was then far from finished. But after they'd said goodbye to her, a group of friends and colleagues – Tetyana Teren, Yaryna Grusha, Sasha Dovzhyk and Amelina's husband, Alex Amelin – decided to try to make her manuscript publishable. What she had completed, they would leave alone; what she had not, they would supplement with transcriptions of audio files, material from earlier drafts and copious footnotes. The result, as they acknowledge in an afterword, is a patchwork that is sometimes difficult to follow – and yet, the gaps are so eloquent. Amelina's absence may be felt on every page. The reader's confusion, experienced by me as a terrible slow-wittedness, is one of the book's most powerful effects. It slows you down. It transmits a powerful sense of chaos. It compels attentiveness, as the TV news does not.
The protocols involved in documenting war crimes are precise and extremely rigorous, and Looking at Women, Looking at War goes into some detail on this score. The book includes in its entirety a report of the last mission Amelina undertook (she travelled with a colleague whose codename is Casanova to Balakliia, a community in Kharkiv oblast) and if you've never set eyes on such a document before, to do so is chastening, to put it mildly. The baldness of the words – this might as well be a mortgage application, for all the adjectives it contains – only makes the rapes, torture and detentions it outlines seem the more abominable. Such exactness, written ledger-style over several pages, provides a chilling sense of scale, for this is just one place among hundreds, perhaps thousands.
But the sections of the book I found most vivid arrive earlier on, as Amelina tries repeatedly to come to terms with what is happening. For a decade, she writes, Ukrainians had been prepared for war without ever grasping that it is impossible truly to be ready for a world turned upside down. When war first breaks out, she is on holiday with her small son; as the explosions begin, she's marooned in an Egyptian airport, all flights to Ukraine cancelled. In the end, she travels by plane to Warsaw, and thence overland via Prague to Ukraine – a journey that in itself reminds the complacent European, safe in Paris or London, of just how close the conflict is.
Surreal is an overused adjective, but only it will do in these circumstances. Arriving in Kharkiv for work, she and her colleagues use Google Maps to find their hotel, even as the air raid sirens sound. In her childhood home outside Lviv, she writes of feeling 'illogically safe', in spite of the fact that the apartment is close to a legitimate military target. In Kharkiv, she watches two men playing ping-pong, to the thump of regular explosions. In Bucha, the deputy mayor's son plays close by as a team working on body identification examine a pile of gruesome photographs.
How to process such things? As the months roll on, it's sometimes hard to feel anything at all. Her colleague Oleksandra Matviichuk tells her that when this happens, she should find a pot of face cream and rub it into her cheeks: its coldness, softness and scent will bring her back to life, she'll find. And it's true. After a day of heavy bombardments in Kyiv – people are saying the Russians' target is a monument to the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko – Amelina tries it for herself, and it works. Such details doubtless won't be found in any of the bigger, more complete books that will one day be written about the war in Ukraine, but to me they are of inestimable worth: not fiction but written, nevertheless, with the fine sensibility of a novelist.
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Looking at Women, Looking at War: A War and Justice Diary by Victoria Amelina is published by William Collins (£20). To support the Guardian and Observer order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply

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Ukraine soldier has 'Glory to Russia' burnt into skin by Putin's twisted thugs
Ukraine soldier has 'Glory to Russia' burnt into skin by Putin's twisted thugs

Daily Mirror

time4 hours ago

  • Daily Mirror

Ukraine soldier has 'Glory to Russia' burnt into skin by Putin's twisted thugs

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Ukraine-Russia war latest: Two killed after Putin's forces launch massive drone strike on Kharkiv
Ukraine-Russia war latest: Two killed after Putin's forces launch massive drone strike on Kharkiv

The Independent

time4 hours ago

  • The Independent

Ukraine-Russia war latest: Two killed after Putin's forces launch massive drone strike on Kharkiv

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How Russia became a franchise of the Wagner Group
How Russia became a franchise of the Wagner Group

New Statesman​

time5 hours ago

  • New Statesman​

How Russia became a franchise of the Wagner Group

For several years, during a season of boredom in the West, the Wagner Group, Russia's private military company, became a pet obsession for the media. This was a story of Vladimir Putin's shadowy 'army of cut-throats', plundering Africa of its gold and diamonds while upending Europe's influence in its former colonies. Western audiences were hooked. In 2022, Wagner became a key tool in Russia's invasion of Ukraine and its previously hidden founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former St Petersburg restaurateur, finally emerged from the shadows. The narrative became even riper: Prigozhin led a short-lived mutiny against the Russian regime in June 2023. But it ended abruptly when his private jet exploded not far from Putin's dacha on Lake Valdai two months later. The story is far from over. The group continues to wage vicious campaigns in the Sahel region, now rebranded as the 'Africa Corps'. In Mali, it helps the regime fight Tuareg and Islamist insurgencies, and was accused of executing civilians. Two recent books shed light on Wagner's role in ushering in a new era of modern warfare: Death Is Our Business by the American journalist John Lechner and Our Business Is Death by the Russian reporters Ilya Barabanov and Denis Korotkov. If Wagner's business was death, then it meant a good deal of its own mercenaries dying, too. This was true even back in the 2010s when Wagner was still viewed as an elite and secretive force, the most prominent case in point being the infamous Battle of Khasham in February 2018. In an episode that became the closest, if indirect, US-Russia clash of the 21st century, Wagnerites tried to capture an oil field in north-eastern Syria controlled by American-backed Kurdish fighters. The Kurds fought back, supported by the US from the air, and the mercenaries were mowed down. Some 80 Russians were killed in just a few hours. All the previous Wagner losses, however, were overshadowed by the 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the transformation of the mercenary group into a vehicle to recruit convicts. Lifted out of prisons and put through short and superficial training, some 50,000 of them, by Prigozhin's own estimate, were sent to storm the Ukrainian stronghold of Bakhmut. Barabanov and Korotkov's book presents accounts of convicts forced to fight under the fear of execution. Those refusing to take part in the 'meat storms' were reportedly shot as deserters. Some 20,000 Wagner fighters died in Bakhmut alone, according to Prigozhin's count. Shocking as it was, this practice was not new. Penal battalions were introduced in the Soviet army during the Second World War, guarded by anti-retreat detachments with orders to shoot deserters. Allowing for huge losses to advance on a battlefield was another tradition from Soviet times that was resurrected in Putin's Ukrainian 'special military operation'. 'The special military operation was, in many respects, one giant World War II re-enactment, and everyone got to don a costume and play a character,' Lechner observes. All of this, however, came later. Before 2022, Wagner was less of a cosplay enterprise and more of a private military company with operations in Syria, the Central African Republic, Sudan, Libya and Africa's Sahel region. Nobody was forced or encouraged to fight for it – but thousands volunteered to. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe What made so many Russian men risk their lives in faraway countries? Barabanov and Korotkov grapple with this question, drawing from personnel files included in a vast archive of Prigozhin's corporate empire that was leaked to them, as well as their interviews with mercenaries. The fact that Wagner offered the kind of salaries these men would never get anywhere else loomed large. In 2017, the Wagner salary of Rbs250,000 a month was worth around $4,300 – six times the national average wage in Russia at the time. Even by Moscow standards, such salaries were very high indeed; outside of Moscow, unheard of. The dramatic culmination of Prigozhin's story, too, is a testament to a broader trend. His rebellion against the system was triggered by bureaucratic pressure. The Russian state wanted to control all those fighting against Ukraine, forcing private military companies and volunteer units to sign contracts with Russia's Ministry of Defence (MoD). Moscow did not need the plausible deniability of Wagner, Cossacks and ragtag nationalist militias any more. It was now openly and brazenly invading Ukraine under the pretext of 'denazification' and wanted to have full military control. When Prigozhin pushed back against the MoD takeover, the palace intrigue ran out of control. He questioned the Kremlin's justification for the invasion, criticised the rampant corruption of Russian elites and even suggested that a certain 'grandpa' in charge of Russia could be 'a dickhead'. Grandpa was the opposition's nickname for Putin, popularised by Alexei Navalny. A showdown was imminent, and Prigozhin blinked first, launching his mutiny before abruptly aborting it. Shortly afterwards, he was dead. [See also: Death of a warlord] But having dispensed with Prigozhin, the Putin regime appears transformed by its former enforcer. Practices he pioneered have been adopted and taken to another level. Recruitment of convicts is now run at such a scale that entire prisons have been hollowed out. And bribes to entice Russian men to fight keep growing. Recently, regional governments started offering new recruits 'staggering sums' with sign-up bonuses of up to $40,000, a BBC investigation revealed. Moreover, the mercenary group changed the very way Russia executes its war. Wagner's tactics at Bakhmut 'led to the systematic adoption of assault groupings, and expendable convict-staffed formations across the Russian military', wrote Michael Kofman, a leading expert on the Russian military. He called the process the 'Wagnerisation of the Russian army'. With up to a million Russians having signed contracts to fight in Ukraine, it may be time to consider the Wagnerisation of Russia. Being paid to kill Ukrainians is today among the highest paying jobs in the country. But for its owner, Wagner was never a golden goose the way, for example, his food catering services in Russia were. Instead, Lechner places the private military company in the broader context of Prigozhin's attempts to ingratiate himself with Putin, the case of the troll factory meddling in the US elections being another prominent example. It was about status, the restaurateur-turned-warlord being 'hell-bent on joining the elite', the author suggests. In the process, he helped bring about the new age of private warfare. Private military companies 'helped usher us into the 17th century with 21st-century technology – onto a battlefield in which the distinction between soldier and mercenary is close to immaterial', Lechner writes, drawing parallels between the likes of Blackwater founder Erik Prince and Prigozhin and the condottieri of Italian city states. In the new era of conflicts between global and regional powers, the mercenaries have returned. There was initial hesitation: Western leaders' thinking was shaped by the post-Cold War 'peace dividend', with Russia humbled by its defeat in Afghanistan and the Cold War in general, while America was still haunted by the spectre of Vietnam. In the era of liberal interventionism and the war on terror that followed, policymakers offered elaborate justifications and set tight rules for use of force. Their justifications later proved bogus, and all rules were trespassed. But disillusionment with war has not sparked a pacifist revival. All around the world, not just in Moscow, there is less hesitation about using military force – and less need to hide behind private contractors. The US support for Israel's war in Gaza is an open-ended commitment, as is Nato's intelligence-sharing, weapons supplies and training of Ukraine's armed forces. Israel and Iran, for the first time in their history, have exchanged direct blows. Reasons for going to war are framed in terms of 'existential threats' and therefore require no further explanation. Mercenaries are still in high demand, but their role is changing. What started as a bespoke service provided by highly skilled, well-paid ex-soldiers has turned into mass recruitment of cannon fodder from poor and conflict-torn regions and countries. These include thousands of Colombians fighting in Ukraine, Yemen and Sudan; hundreds of Nepalese serving as the first line of attack for Russian troops; and Syrians being recruited to kill and die in Azerbaijan, Libya and Niger. For this new age of private warfare, the transformation of Wagner is a useful case study. Founded as an elite group providing security, military training and guarding installations – a business model based on the American example of Blackwater – it grew into dispensable shock troops managed directly by the Russian state. If the US's overseas campaigns made the modern mercenary industry a lucrative career path for army veterans and well-connected hustlers, Putin's wars helped transform it into a global form of human trafficking for men from poor regions of Russia. That in 2025 Russian men are as keen as Colombians and Syrians to fight for money in distant lands is perhaps the best indicator of the desperation, hopelessness and nihilism in Russian provinces after a quarter century of Putin's rule, despite all the talk of Moscow's economic resilience. Death Is Our Business: Russian Mercenaries and the New Era of Private Warfare John Lechner Bloomsbury USA, 288pp, £23 Our Business is Death: The Complete History of the Wagner Group Ilya Barabanov and Denis Korotkov StraightForwardFoundation, 291pp, $9.99 [See also: Trump's nuclear test] Related

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