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France to cut red tape for British second home owners

France to cut red tape for British second home owners

Yahoo17-04-2025

France is considering overhauling visa rules to make it easier for Britons to stay in the country for more than 90 days at a time.
The move would throw a lifeline to some 60,000 British second home owners who face restrictions on how long they can stay at their properties in the country.
It comes as English councils crack down on second home owners by hitting them with double council tax bills – while British nationals buying property in Spain are threatened with a 100pc property tax.
Currently UK passport holders may visit France for no longer than 90 days – approximately three months – every 180 days.
A separate longer visa of six months is used by British nationals with homes in France to get around the rules, however it can only be issued once in a year.
The French government is considering a proposal to reduce the six-month period second home owners must wait before reapplying for the long-stay visa.
Bruno Retailleau, the French interior minister, said there would be a 'new and appropriate examination of the situation' on the visa requirements.
In a letter to French senator Martine Berthet, who represents the Savoie region in the Alps, Mr Retailleau recognised 'the difficulties encountered by British nationals who own second homes in France in obtaining a long-stay visa'.
The correspondence was published in the Majorca Daily Bulletin, a local English-language news website.
Mr Retailleau's response was to a query lodged by Ms Berthet on behalf of a British second home owner in the country, who said the six-month break between applications for long-stay visas should be reduced.
The so-called VLS-Tatrois visa lasts six or four months and requires proof of property ownership or a rental agreement in France. The only longer visa, lasting 12 months, is linked to a residency application.
It has served as one of the preferred ways for Britons to escape the standard visa-free rules in France that limit stays to 90 days within a 180-day window.
But due to the enforced six-month gap between consecutive applications for the scheme some Britons face lengthy waits before they can return to French properties for extended stays. A shorter waiting period would permit more regular visits.
Britons currently have stricter travel requirements when visiting France than French nationals do in the UK, where they may stay for up to six months without a visa.
Ms Berthet has been a prominent campaigner in favour of better visa rules for British nationals in France. In November 2023 she tabled legal changes that would have allowed second home owners to stay in the country for as long as they wished.
The amendment to French immigration law was drafted to automatically hand six-month visas to Britons with second homes in France, but was ultimately shot down by France's top constitutional court in January 2024.
A change to the VLS-Tatrois visa arrangements is a separate proposal from the remedy attempted by lawmakers last year.
There has been little progress on the issue since that time. There are an estimated 60,000 British households who own second homes in France, a number that has decreased from 89,000 in 2008.
In 2019, a report by estate agency Savills found France was the most popular location where Britons bought homes abroad, just behind Spain.
France's approach is at odds with Spain whose prime minister Pedro Sánchez announced plans to impose a 100pc tax rise on property purchases by non-residents living outside the EU. Mr Sánchez branded foreign buyers 'speculators', who were out 'just to make money'.
And last April, the Spanish government axed its famous 'golden visa' scheme, which offers non-EU citizens residency rights in exchange for a €500,000 investment, typically in property. It closed on April 3 this year.
Meanwhile, councils in England were given the power to charge a 100pc council tax premium for second home owners from April 1 under laws passed by the previous Conservative government to ease housing pressures.
Over two-thirds of local authorities opted to impose the charge. It means 157 second home owners will face council tax bills of up to £10,000 per year, according to Telegraph analysis.
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A daughter with DACA, a mother without papers, and a goodbye they can't bear
A daughter with DACA, a mother without papers, and a goodbye they can't bear

Miami Herald

time3 hours ago

  • Miami Herald

A daughter with DACA, a mother without papers, and a goodbye they can't bear

Michelle Valdes' mom thinks she sees immigration agents everywhere: in the lobby of the building where she cares for elderly clients, at the local outlet mall, on downtown corners. The fear is constant. Driving to work, going to the store —just leaving the house feels too risky for her. At work, while she cooks and cleans in her clients' homes, she listens as stories of immigration detentions, deportations and constantly changing laws and policies play loudly in English from the TV. The 67-year-old undocumented Colombian national who has lived in the United States for more than a third of her life has stopped driving completely, opting for Uber, and ducking down in the backseat when she sees police officers. As a Jehovah's Witness, she has chosen not to do her door-to-door ministry and only attends church on Zoom. But what keeps her up at night these days is that she will soon go without seeing her daughter, likely for close to a decade. She is preparing to leave the United States after 23 years, leaving behind her 31-year-old daughter, a DACA recipient or 'Dreamer' who came to the United States when she was 8 and is still in the process of gaining her green card. Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, is a federal program that protects undocumented people who came to the U.S. as children from deportation. 'I don't want to feel like I'm going to be spending two months in some detention center in the middle of God knows where, where none of my family members see me,' she said in Spanish during an interview with the Herald. She asked not to use her name for this story because she fears she could be targeted. 'I'm done,' she said. Her daughter's immigration situation is also precarious, even though she is married to a U.S. citizen. His family, from Cuba, got lucky when they won the visa lottery. But her family did not have such luck. Valdes' family did what immigrants often do: They fled danger, asked for political asylum, hired lawyers and filed paperwork. And they lost. Last year, only 19.3% of Colombian asylum cases were approved, according to researchers at Syracuse University. Even in 2006, when violence was at a very high point in Colombia, only 32% of asylum cases were approved. Their family's story reveals the toll a constantly changing and exceedingly complicated immigration system has on families who tried to 'do the right thing' and legalize their status. Now, under President Trump's administration, which has ramped up enforcement and the optics around it, being undocumented has become even more hazardous. People who have been living and working in the shadows in the United States are now being forced to decide if the reward of seeking a better life is still worth the risk. And those who are following the rules are afraid the rules will keep changing. The mother has already started packing boxes. Denied asylum Valdes' mom had never heard of the American Dream. She said she had never even heard the phrase 'el sueño americano' before coming to the United States. The family fled Colombia in 2002, leaving behind comfort and status. Valdes' mother had been an architect in Cartagena, a city on the South American nation's Caribbean coast. The family had a driver, a cook and a nanny. But violence by the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, the rebel group known as FARC, was encroaching on their lives: armed robbery at their home, threatening calls and the kidnapping of her cousin, a wealthy businessperson. The family was forced to pay a ransom for his release. The early 2000s in Colombia, under President Andrés Pastrana, were years of intense violence by guerrilla gangs such as the FARC, who targeted wealthier Colombians. 'They would just pick up anybody who they believed they could get money from,' said Valdes. Her aunt would often call Valdes' mom from Florida, telling her their family would be safer here. The family arrived on a tourist visa in 2002, found a lawyer and applied for asylum. It was denied in 2004. Under U.S. immigration policy, people who have suffered persecution due to factors such as race, religion, nationality, membership to a social group, or political opinion can apply for asylum. It must be filed within a year of arrival in the United States. Valdes' family's interview did not go well and they were placed in removal proceedings. They appealed and in 2006 took the case to the U.S. Board of Immigration Appeals. The family's asylum application claimed that Valdes' mom would be killed by the FARC guerilla gang if she returned to Colombia, in connection with her cousin's kidnapping. But the court ultimately found holes in her case, and said her fear is not well founded and that she failed to prove that she would be in danger if she returned to Colombia. Their final motion was denied in part because it was filed 45 days late, according to the court filing. Valdes was just 11 years old when the courts denied her family's final plea to stay in the United States. The family was issued removal orders. 'I feel like I made a mistake asking for asylum,' said Valdes' mother. 'I wasn't guided well because I was scared and didn't know what to do.' She says predatory lawyers charged her close to $40,000 but never told her the truth about her odds of winning the case. 'It's pure show,' she said in Spanish. 'I believed they would help, but they did nothing.' By then, Valdes and her brothers were attending public schools in West Palm Beach, a right undocumented children have because of a supreme court ruling which passed narrowly in the early '80s. 'I just kind of poured my whole life into school, just to kind of distract myself from other things going on in life, specifically with immigration,' she said. In fifth grade, she won the science fair. At Roosevelt Middle School she was in the pre-med program and the national junior honor society. She always had A's and B's in school. But when her middle school national honor society was invited to Australia, she had to stay behind, unable to travel because she was undocumented. At Suncoast Community High School, she was invited to sing in a choir concert in Europe, but again, she could not go. In 2007, ICE detained Valdes' parents and her eldest brother. Her other brother and Valdes were picked up from school and reunited with their parents at the ICE office. Valdes' mom said the officer told her that since the family had a removal order, they needed to deport at least one person to prove they completed their quota for the day. But to this day, Valdes and her mother can't fully explain why the father was deported but they were released. Was it luck? Did the ICE officers sympathize with their family? Then 13, Valdes remembers standing in the Miami immigration office as agents took her father away. 'He was wearing jeans, a tan coat and a gray-blue fisherman's hat,' she said. 'What I remember the most is that there was, like, some sort of feeling that I got, that I knew that I was never gonna see him again.' He was deported in January of 2007, when Valdes was in seventh grade. It was the only semester she ever failed in school, she said. Her father died at 69 in Colombia in 2022. A petition for him to get legal status and return to the U.S., filed on his behalf of his son from a previous marriage, was approved a year after his death, said Valdes. '17 years too late,' she said, in tears. DACA as a lifeline In 2012, Valdes and her mother were preparing to leave the United States for good. Flights were booked. Boxes mailed. Then, just 14 days before departure, President Obama announced the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. The program was meant to protect children like Valdes, who came to the U.S. at a young age. Valdes was 18. Her phone lit up with messages from people in her community who knew she was undocumented. She applied that October. As a 'Dreamer,' or DACA recipient, she's protected from deportation and able to work legally — but can't travel outside the country. Her two older brothers, Ricardo and Jean Paul, had already left the country by then. After attending public schools and graduating from high school, the brothers could not attend college or find work. So in 2011, they returned to Colombia, and their mother sent them money to attend university. They both still live there and haven't seen their mom in 14 years. Valdes' situation was slightly better, but without legal permanent residency, she didn't qualify for most scholarships. The one scholarship she did get was a $4,000 scholarship from the Global Education Center at Palm Beach State, but $1,500 was deducted in taxes because she was considered a foreign student. Starting in 2014, Florida universities provided in-state tuition waivers for undocumented students under certain conditions. But because Valdes didn't enroll in college within a year of graduating from high school, she lost access to the waiver. That waiver was recently canceled in Florida for undocumented students, and starting July 1, at least 6,500 DACA recipients in Florida enrolled in public universities will have to pay the out-of-state tuition rate. 'When people asked me what I wanted for my birthday, I would ask for money to pay my tuition,' she said. Throughout those years, people would come to Valdes asking for help filling out their work permit applications, DACA applications and other legal forms, and they would say, 'Wow, you are so good at it.' Although she never wanted to do anything law or immigration related, she kept getting pulled in that direction, and decided to get her paralegal certificate, Valdes said. She now works at an immigration law office. Her plan is to go to law school after getting hands on training. 'I always thought: When I turn 18, I'm an adult — 'why am I still tied to my mom's case?' ' she said. 'But nobody explained it.' At her job in the law office, she finally learned the full truth of her case. Her name is still listed on her mother's asylum application — the case that was denied in 2006. So she still had a final removal order connected to her name. That case, and its order of removal, still haunts her. Although she's married to a U.S. citizen, it will take her years to adjust her status to get a green card and permanent residency status. The process will involve her husband filing petitions and waivers explaining that it would be an extreme hardship for him if she were deported. Valdes will have to leave the country and re-enter. In all, the process could take around eight years. Former president Joe Biden had a program to help people like Valdes, whose family is of 'mixed-status' but the program was shut down by Republicans. Immigration attorneys say there are fewer and fewer pathways for people married to U.S. citizens to legalize their status. The roadblocks and complications frustrate Valdes to tears. Valdes said that it is not fair that 'under our immigration system, a child, at such a young age, has to suffer the consequences of the parents' mistakes.' 'No es justo, no es justo,' she said, crying. It's not fair. But immigration laws, enforcement and policies are changing every day. 'People say 'get in line, get in line, get in line,' and then you get in line, and it's like, 'Oh, too bad, you don't apply with that anymore, or we're just going to change the laws. Or, you know, you aged out, or you didn't submit by this day,' said Valdes. In the past weeks, ICE agents across the nation have even begun detaining people as they exit immigration courthouses. Some are individuals with final orders of deportation like Valdes and her mom. Just this week, the Supreme Court ruled that President Trump can revoke humanitarian parole for over 500,000 migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela. President Trump has spoken favorably of DACA recipients, but nonetheless, 'Dreamers' still have to reapply every two years, and there is no guarantee their right to legally be in the U.S. will not be revoked. Immigration attorneys say DACA could be the next program to be shut down by the Supreme Court. 'How shaky is DACA? How solid is it?' Valdes asked. Same fear, different country Valdes' mom says she now feels the same fear in the United States as she did in Colombia — maybe worse. 'I'm scared. Terrified,' she said. 'I'm constantly looking over my shoulder, always on alert.' For years, she tried to hold on. But after 23 years, she's tired of living in limbo. Valdes and her mom try not to think much about the fact that they are leaving each other, focusing more on the present and getting through each day. Valdes' mom says her ultimate goal was always for her daughter to get an education in the United States, and now that her daughter has a job, a husband, and is planting roots, she feels like she can go and let her daughter live her life. She left Colombia because she was 'tired of being followed. I was tired of being paranoid. I was tired of never being able to have my freedom, to just live, because I was always so scared. And fast forward, 23 years later, I'm just in the same boat in a different country,' she said. The hardest part for Valdes is imagining being pregnant and then giving birth without her mom by her side. But, she says, 'Now I tell her, I totally understand. It's your turn to finish living your life, Mom. I want her to be at peace, and I want her to rest.' As her mother prepares to leave, Michelle is left with the frustration of knowing that there's nothing she can do. 'I am still helpless. I still can't help her. I still can't help myself. It's a looming darkness you carry every day,' said Valdes.

Spirit makers face a sobering cocktail of challenges — from tariffs to teetotalers
Spirit makers face a sobering cocktail of challenges — from tariffs to teetotalers

CNBC

time8 hours ago

  • CNBC

Spirit makers face a sobering cocktail of challenges — from tariffs to teetotalers

Global spirit makers are staring down a sobering cocktail of challenges as tariffs and brand boycotts threaten to exacerbate wider shifts in drinking habits. French cognac maker Rémy Cointreau on Wednesday became the latest spirits maker, following Diageo and Pernod Ricard, to withdraw its sales targets on increased economic and trade uncertainty. "Given the continued lack of macroeconomic visibility, the geopolitical uncertainties surrounding U.S.-China tariff policies, and the absence to date of a recovery in the U.S. market ... the conditions required to maintain [Remy Cointreau's] 2029-2030 targets are no longer in place," it said in a statement. The move came as full-year sales at the group's cognac business, which includes its namesake Remy Martin brand, fell 22% on an organic basis on slowing U.S. consumption and "complex market conditions" in China. The popular brandy variety, which hails from the French region of Cognac, has been particularly caught in the crosshairs of ongoing U.S.-Sino tensions. LVMH similarly saw a 17% drop in its Hennessy cognac in the first quarter. But the specialty drink is far from alone as trade barriers weaken already drying demand for spirits. LVMH's wine and spirits remains the French luxury group's worst performing division, while Diageo spirits including Tanqueray, Gordon's and Smirnoff saw the steepest declines in the first quarter as sales of Irish stout Guinness rallied ahead. "Distilled spirits in the U.S. are going through a correction, and U.S. tariffs add another layer of uncertainty," Jefferies said in a note last month. The prestige — and often legal requirements — associated with spirits and wines mean that they are heavily dependent on local production and thus heavily exposed to U.S. import levies. Champagne must be produced and bottled within the Champagne region, for instance. "With spirits and wines you have terroir caches, and that means you're producing locally and exporting. Hence it's much more vulnerable to geopolitical tensions," Sanjeet Aujla, analyst at UBS, told CNBC via video call. Remy Cointreau estimated that tariffs as they currently stand could serve a 65-million-euro blow ($55 million) to its business after mitigating measures. Diageo, meanwhile, said about 25% of its business is set to be impacted by duties. The same does not apply for beer, which relies on local production and has been flagged as an unlikely winner from brewing trade divisions. Notably, the world's largest brewer AB InBev, as well as Dutch and Danish beermakers Heineken and Carlsberg all maintained their full-year guidance in the first quarter. As a result, wines and spirits are potentially more exposed to brand boycotts too, with consumers more likely to swap out a particular product on political grounds in favor of a locally-made alternative. The tariff hit comes as the industry has slowed over recent years following a strong decade of growth, particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic. Locked-down consumers forked out more on alcohol in 2020 and 2021, fueling a simultaneous surge in premium brands. "During the pandemic, not only did people drink more, they premiumized more," Aujla said. Spirits are often seen as an affordable luxury, especially in good economic times. But they nevertheless tend to be an occasional purchase, with many Covid-era stockpiles remaining in liquor cabinets across the world. As economic conditions turn, however, consumers may be less inclined to cough up $100 for a good bottle, instead downtrading or opting for lower-cost ready-to-drink (RTD) alternatives. "Spirits-based RTDs are weighing on distilled spirits growth alongside the impact of cumulative inflation," the Jefferies note said, adding that downtrading was most visible in vodka and rum products, while demand for premium whisky, tequila and gin remained more robust. "That [premiumization] is on pause today, given the cyclical headwinds we have in the industry," Aujla added. The drying demand comes as health and wellness trends spark a shift in consumer habits, with more people becoming "sober curious" and experimenting with lower alcohol consumption. Indeed, many drinks makers have sought to embrace that shift with new ranges of low and no alcohol products. Meanwhile, the proliferation of weight loss drugs — and early evidence of their role in suppressing alcohol cravings — pose another potential challenge for the industry. Nevertheless, analysts remain divided over the severity and permanence of the downturn. "There is considerable debate over the extent to which currently anemic demand is cyclical or structural," James Edwardes Jones, analyst at RBC Capital Markets, said in emailed comments. Cyclical pressures refer to economic headwinds and hangover supplies from the Covid-era, while structural shifts refer to changing consumer patterns. "It's a bit of both, and more cyclical than structural," Aujla said. "But when the cyclical headwinds dissipate, we think US Spirits industry growth will be 1-2% lower than the 4-5% historical growth."

Hegseth says Nato allies ‘very close' to raising defence spending target to 5%
Hegseth says Nato allies ‘very close' to raising defence spending target to 5%

Yahoo

time9 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Hegseth says Nato allies ‘very close' to raising defence spending target to 5%

The US defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, said Nato allies were 'very close, almost near consensus' to an agreement to significantly raise targets for defence spending to 5% of GDP in the next decade. The Trump administration official indicated he expected the increased target to be agreed at a summit in The Hague later this month – and confirmed that the headline figure was to be split into two parts. 'This alliance, in a matter of weeks, will be committing to 5%: 3.5% in hard military and 1.5% in infrastructure and defence-related activities. That combination constitutes a real commitment,' he said. Hegseth was speaking at a press conference at Nato headquarters in Brussels after the morning session of an all-day meeting of defence ministers from the 32-country transatlantic military alliance. 'I'm very encouraged by what we heard in there,' Hegseth told reporters. 'Countries in there are well exceeding 2% and we think very close, almost near consensus, on a 5% commitment to Nato.' Nato's current target level for military spending, agreed at a summit in Cardiff in 2014, is 2% of GDP, but Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed that European allies and Canada do not spend enough compared with the US. In an attempt to avoid Trump wrecking the first Nato summit of his second term, the alliance's new secretary general, Mark Rutte, proposed a 3.5% plus 1.5% target, though there is some ambiguity about the target date. Initial reports suggested that Rutte wanted allies to hit the target from 2032, though earlier this week British sources suggested the date could be 2035. Sweden's defence minister said he would like to see the target hit by 2030. Only Poland currently exceeds the 3.5% target for hard military spending at 4.32%, according to Nato figures, while the US defence budget, the largest in the alliance, amounts to 3.4% of GDP, at $967bn (£711bn). The UK spends 2.33% of GDP on its military, but has pledged to increase that to 2.5% by 2027 and to 3% some time in the next parliament. Earlier this week the prime minister, Keir Starmer, declined to set a firm date for the UK achieving 3% as he unveiled a strategic defence review. Related: Why is defence such a hard sell? The same reason Starmer is struggling in the polls | Martin Kettle Rutte will visit London on Monday to meet Starmer before the summit. Downing Street said the prime minister and the secretary general would 'talk about how we ensure all allies step up their defence spending now in order to respond to the threats that we face now'. Germany's defence minister, Boris Pistorius, said Berlin would need up to 60,000 additional troops to meet new Nato targets for weapons and personnel. 'We are stepping up to our responsibility as Europe's largest economy,' the minister said on Thursday. Germany, which currently spends 2.12% of GDP on defence, had been singled out by Trump as a laggard in spending, though until Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Berlin had been reluctant to be a leader in European military spending, partly due to the memories of the militarism of the second world war.

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