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Cecilie Bahnsen Reimagines PORTER's Nylon Bags With Laser-Cut Florals
Cecilie Bahnsen Reimagines PORTER's Nylon Bags With Laser-Cut Florals

Hypebeast

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Hypebeast

Cecilie Bahnsen Reimagines PORTER's Nylon Bags With Laser-Cut Florals

For the second installment ofYoshida & Co., Ltd.'s 90th anniversary roll-out, the manufacturer's legendaryPORTERline has enlistedCecilie Bahnsenfor a special collaboration reimagining its nylon bags with romantic motifs. The Danish designer, who has collaborated withAsicsandThe North Facein recent seasons, now turns her gaze towards accessories, incorporating her ever-present adornments into PORTER's utilitarian designs. Leading the collection is the backpack, available in an all-black nylon twill and decorated with black-on-black embroidery throughout the body and laser-cut flowers — Bahnsen's signature. The 2 Way Tool Bag, offered in classic olive green Khaki, a baby Gratian Blue, and Black, is a more directional silhouette, combining the likenesses of an elegant handbag and a tool carrier into one model. Finally, the smallest piece is the Bonsac Mini, offered in the same colorways, with a scaled-down design. On the new collaboration, Bahnsen said, 'This is a romantic act. It's about sorting through memories while deciding what to keep and what to reconstruct,' in a statement. Highlighting the power of quiet charm over flashy displays, Bahnsen's monochrome approach gives PORTER's durable nylon fabrics the spotlight. Simultaneously, the romantic sensibilities of the collection represent a contemporary facet of PORTER's visual identity as it inches towards 100 years in business. The Cecilie Bahnsen x PORTER collection is set for release on June 5 at PORTER's flagship store, PORTER SHINJUKU, andYoshida & Co.'s web store.

Ethan Coen's ‘Honey Don't!' Gets 6.5-Minute Ovation In Cannes
Ethan Coen's ‘Honey Don't!' Gets 6.5-Minute Ovation In Cannes

Yahoo

time24-05-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Yahoo

Ethan Coen's ‘Honey Don't!' Gets 6.5-Minute Ovation In Cannes

Focus Features had the final slot of the Official Selection here in Cannes this evening with Ethan Coen's Honey Don't!, a dark comedy reuniting Margaret Qualley with the filmmaker on the heels of last year's Drive-Away Dolls. Coen & Co. received a 6.5-minute ovation in the wee hours of the morning. 'Fun finish to the festival, yah?' said Coen to a lively crowd. More from Deadline Cannes Closing Ceremony To Go Ahead As Planned Despite Massive Power Outage In South Of France Cannes Awards Predictions: Deadline's Critics Make Their Picks For This Year's Palme D'Or & Other Main Prizes Chilean Drama 'The Mysterious Gaze Of The Flamingo' Wins Top Un Certain Regard Prize - Cannes 'It's short for a movie that started after midnight,' added Coen about the movie's 90-minute running time, 'very humane!' Qualley takes on the titular role of Honey O'Donahue, a small-town private investigator who delves into a series of strange deaths tied to a mysterious church led by a preacher played by Chris Evans. Aubrey Plaza and Charlie Day also feature prominently in the cast, which additionally includes Billy Eichner, Lera Abova, Jacnier, Gabby Beans, Talia Ryder, Kristen Connolly, Lena Hall, Don Swayze, Josh Pafchek, Kale Browne, Alexander Carstoiu and Christian Antidormi. Coen directed from his script written with wife Tricia Cooke, the veteran editor who has cut such Coen Brothers classics as The Big Lebowski and O Brother, Where Art Thou? Cooke also co-wrote Drive-Away Dolls. Said Cooke tonight following Coen, 'More queer cinema, all the time!' to big cheers. Focus releases domestically on August 22. Universal Pictures International is handling overseas distribution. Producers on the project are Coen, Cooke, Robert Graf and Working Title's Tim Bevan and Eric Fellner. Coen has been bringing movies to Cannes' Official Selection since the 1980s, starting with 1987's Raising Arizona which he co-wrote with brother Joel who directed. Notable Cannes titles from the duo have also included Barton Fink (1991/Palme d'Or, Best Director, Best Actor); The Hudsucker Proxy (1994), Fargo (1996/Best Director); O' Brother, Where Art Thou? (2000); The Man Who Wasn't There (2001/Best Director); The Ladykillers (2004/Jury Prize); No Country for Old Men (2007); and Inside Llewyn Davis (2013/Grand Prize). In 2022, Ethan Coen brought his documentary Jerry Lee Lewis: Trouble in Mind for a Special Screening. Because it's a midnight screening at Cannes, the black tie and classy dress attire rules don't apply. However, there was a definite mix in the crowd. Best of Deadline 'Poker Face' Season 2 Guest Stars: From Katie Holmes To Simon Hellberg Everything We Know About Amazon's 'Verity' Movie So Far Everything We Know About 'The Testaments,' Sequel Series To 'The Handmaid's Tale' So Far

While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray
While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray

Yahoo

time17-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray

President Donald Trump was only a few hours into a marathon flight from Abu Dhabi on Friday when he sent a crystal-clear message to Capitol Hill: Tidy up the house, kids, because dad's coming home from his big work trip. Or, translated into Trump-ese, 'Republicans MUST UNITE behind, 'THE ONE, BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL!' … STOP TALKING, AND GET IT DONE!' It soon became clear Air Force One couldn't land fast enough. While Trump spent the week hob-nobbing with crown princes, emirs and titans of industry, Speaker Mike Johnson and House Republicans were watching Trump's legislative agenda run slowly aground. Less than two hours after Trump sent his message, a clutch of hard-line conservatives joined with Democrats to tank a key House Budget Committee vote on Trump's big tax, border and defense bill. It was the latest demonstration that while Johnson and fellow GOP leaders might be within striking distance of advancing the 'big, beautiful bill,' Trump remains the essential ingredient to getting anything done on Capitol Hill. So after a five-day, eight-time-zone hiatus, expect the closer to start closing. The coming week, no doubt, will see a flurry of holdouts shuffling back and forth from the Capitol to the White House, not to mention an angry phone call or 20. 'My assumption is Trump's going to get involved — I don't know what that looks like yet,' a senior GOP aide, who like others was granted anonymity to speak frankly about behind-the-scenes conversations, told me Friday afternoon. Don't expect the president to be happy about it. The view on Air Force One, according to a senior White House aide, was that Johnson & Co. need to step up their own game and get their membership in line. The person said in a text that the president is 'always willing to make calls' but that 'Republicans on the Hill need to figure their shit out.' Frustrations inside the MAGA-sphere have been mounting for some time at Johnson's seeming inability to find a path forward without leaning on Trump. It's long been assumed that Johnson won't have the political juice to push this legislation through on his own. 'You think the president likes being the president and the speaker's babysitter?' as Ohio Rep. Max Miller, a former Trump aide, told NOTUS amid last month's budget haggling. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said as much in a stern statement issued shortly after the failed budget vote, betraying little patience for the antics from the handful of hard-right holdouts: 'The White House expects ALL Republicans to vote for this bill and successfully pass it through Committee in the near future.' To be fair to Johnson, he's dealing with a historically small House majority and a staggeringly complex piece of legislation. Just about any time he tries to assuage conservatives who are ideologically closer to the House GOP's center of gravity, he repels moderates who gave Republicans their majority, and vice versa. Furthermore, presidents have always served as dealmakers of last resort in any tricky Hill negotiation But there was real annoyance Friday at how this particular implosion had played out. It was long expected that ultraconservatives would flex their muscle — likely in the House Rules Committee, where they hold a key bloc of votes. Instead, the showdown that was expected next week, with Trump back in town, played out as the president was wrapping up his Middle East tour. To many Republicans' chagrin, Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) pressed forward with the failed vote Friday in spite of the obvious opposition, believing it would be best to put the holdouts on the record. One senior Republican official expressed frustration that the episode not only made the conservatives look bad for blocking the bill, but also Trump and Johnson for suggesting they don't have control over the process. Friday's budget-panel implosion was, in some ways, months in the making. As I wrote in January, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and fellow fiscal hawks have been on a collision course with a president who cares more about notching wins than curbing deficits. While hard-liners view the megabill as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to reduce spending, Trump sees it as a vehicle to deliver on his campaign promises — including tax cuts and money for the Pentagon and immigration enforcement — ahead of a midterm cycle he's increasingly obsessed with. Trump should be worried that Roy & Co. are making demands that will be hard to meet and hard to walk back. Roy said Friday the bill 'falls profoundly short' and 'does not do what we say it does with respect to deficits.' 'I'm not going to sit here and say that everything is hunky-dory when this is the Budget Committee,' he steamed. 'We are supposed to do something to actually result in a balanced budget. But we're not.' He's set against centrists and even some MAGA loyalists who are extremely wary of cutting too deeply into the social safety net. Sen. Josh Hawley — not exactly a moderate squish — blasted the House bill and vowed not to support legislation that harms working-class families. 'They're not on Medicaid because they want to be — they're on Medicaid because they cannot afford health insurance in the private market,' Hawley told CNN this week, contradicting careful GOP messaging about how the cuts would only affect the 'able-bodied' who should not be on benefit rolls. Aside from Medicaid, GOP leaders are scrambling to deal with blue-district Republicans who are insisting on hiking the cap on the state-and-local-tax deduction, red-state members who fear their state budgets are at risk and farm-state types who want to preserve at least some Biden-era clean energy incentives. This has mostly been Johnson's problem to solve, and he and other GOP leaders have tried to be sensitive to not pulling Trump in too early to fix their problems. There's an internal understanding that they need to do most of the cleanup on their own before calling dad and tattling on the naughty kids. There's other levers they can pull on, too. Vice President JD Vance has helped resolve some thorny Hill matters, and members of the president's inner circle have perfected the art of dogging Republicans who stand in their way with online pressure campaigns. Don't be surprised in the coming days when the White House activates allies on the outside while Trump employs the inside game to move people to 'yes.' Indeed, the Trump administration official whom I texted with Friday warned obstructionists they'll pay a price. 'Voters gave them a once-in-a-generation opportunity to pass a good bill,' the person said. 'And for those who vote against, they should know their careers are in jeopardy."

While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray
While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray

Politico

time17-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Politico

While Trump Was Away, His Megabill Went Astray

President Donald Trump was only a few hours into a marathon flight from Abu Dhabi on Friday when he sent a crystal-clear message to Capitol Hill: Tidy up the house, kids, because dad's coming home from his big work trip. Or, translated into Trump-ese, 'Republicans MUST UNITE behind, 'THE ONE, BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL!' … STOP TALKING, AND GET IT DONE!' It soon became clear Air Force One couldn't land fast enough. While Trump spent the week hob-nobbing with crown princes, emirs and titans of industry, Speaker Mike Johnson and House Republicans were watching Trump's legislative agenda run slowly aground. Less than two hours after Trump sent his message, a clutch of hard-line conservatives joined with Democrats to tank a key House Budget Committee vote on Trump's big tax, border and defense bill. It was the latest demonstration that while Johnson and fellow GOP leaders might be within striking distance of advancing the 'big, beautiful bill,' Trump remains the essential ingredient to getting anything done on Capitol Hill. So after a five-day, eight-time-zone hiatus, expect the closer to start closing. The coming week, no doubt, will see a flurry of holdouts shuffling back and forth from the Capitol to the White House, not to mention an angry phone call or 20. 'My assumption is Trump's going to get involved — I don't know what that looks like yet,' a senior GOP aide, who like others was granted anonymity to speak frankly about behind-the-scenes conversations, told me Friday afternoon. Don't expect the president to be happy about it. The view on Air Force One, according to a senior White House aide, was that Johnson & Co. need to step up their own game and get their membership in line. The person said in a text that the president is 'always willing to make calls' but that 'Republicans on the Hill need to figure their shit out.' Frustrations inside the MAGA-sphere have been mounting for some time at Johnson's seeming inability to find a path forward without leaning on Trump. It's long been assumed that Johnson won't have the political juice to push this legislation through on his own. 'You think the president likes being the president and the speaker's babysitter?' as Ohio Rep. Max Miller, a former Trump aide, told NOTUS amid last month's budget haggling. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said as much in a stern statement issued shortly after the failed budget vote, betraying little patience for the antics from the handful of hard-right holdouts: 'The White House expects ALL Republicans to vote for this bill and successfully pass it through Committee in the near future.' To be fair to Johnson, he's dealing with a historically small House majority and a staggeringly complex piece of legislation. Just about any time he tries to assuage conservatives who are ideologically closer to the House GOP's center of gravity, he repels moderates who gave Republicans their majority, and vice versa. Furthermore, presidents have always served as dealmakers of last resort in any tricky Hill negotiation But there was real annoyance Friday at how this particular implosion had played out. It was long expected that ultraconservatives would flex their muscle — likely in the House Rules Committee, where they hold a key bloc of votes. Instead, the showdown that was expected next week, with Trump back in town, played out as the president was wrapping up his Middle East tour. To many Republicans' chagrin, Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) pressed forward with the failed vote Friday in spite of the obvious opposition, believing it would be best to put the holdouts on the record. One senior Republican official expressed frustration that the episode not only made the conservatives look bad for blocking the bill, but also Trump and Johnson for suggesting they don't have control over the process. Friday's budget-panel implosion was, in some ways, months in the making. As I wrote in January, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and fellow fiscal hawks have been on a collision course with a president who cares more about notching wins than curbing deficits. While hard-liners view the megabill as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to reduce spending, Trump sees it as a vehicle to deliver on his campaign promises — including tax cuts and money for the Pentagon and immigration enforcement — ahead of a midterm cycle he's increasingly obsessed with. Trump should be worried that Roy & Co. are making demands that will be hard to meet and hard to walk back. Roy said Friday the bill 'falls profoundly short' and 'does not do what we say it does with respect to deficits.' 'I'm not going to sit here and say that everything is hunky-dory when this is the Budget Committee,' he steamed. 'We are supposed to do something to actually result in a balanced budget. But we're not.' He's set against centrists and even some MAGA loyalists who are extremely wary of cutting too deeply into the social safety net. Sen. Josh Hawley — not exactly a moderate squish — blasted the House bill and vowed not to support legislation that harms working-class families. 'They're not on Medicaid because they want to be — they're on Medicaid because they cannot afford health insurance in the private market,' Hawley told CNN this week, contradicting careful GOP messaging about how the cuts would only affect the 'able-bodied' who should not be on benefit rolls. Aside from Medicaid, GOP leaders are scrambling to deal with blue-district Republicans who are insisting on hiking the cap on the state-and-local-tax deduction, red-state members who fear their state budgets are at risk and farm-state types who want to preserve at least some Biden-era clean energy incentives. This has mostly been Johnson's problem to solve, and he and other GOP leaders have tried to be sensitive to not pulling Trump in too early to fix their problems. There's an internal understanding that they need to do most of the cleanup on their own before calling dad and tattling on the naughty kids. There's other levers they can pull on, too. Vice President JD Vance has helped resolve some thorny Hill matters, and members of the president's inner circle have perfected the art of dogging Republicans who stand in their way with online pressure campaigns. Don't be surprised in the coming days when the White House activates allies on the outside while Trump employs the inside game to move people to 'yes.' Indeed, the Trump administration official whom I texted with Friday warned obstructionists they'll pay a price. 'Voters gave them a once-in-a-generation opportunity to pass a good bill,' the person said. 'And for those who vote against, they should know their careers are in jeopardy.'

The Oracle of Omaha takes his last bow. It'll be a new Berkshire Hathaway from here on out
The Oracle of Omaha takes his last bow. It'll be a new Berkshire Hathaway from here on out

Yahoo

time04-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

The Oracle of Omaha takes his last bow. It'll be a new Berkshire Hathaway from here on out

It's hard to think of anyone on Wall Street who contains quite the same contradictions as Warren Buffett. He's a white-haired, ice-cream-eating, Cherry-Coke drinking avuncular figure — who has also cut some of the world's sharpest deals and amassed a fortune bigger than some nations' entire annual economy. Buffett, 94, said Saturday at Berkshire Hathaway's annual shareholder meeting that he would step down as CEO at the end of the year, handing the reins to his chosen successor, Greg Abel. Abel, the chairman and CEO of Berkshire Hathaway Energy, has been a well-liked and respected lieutenant of Buffett's for years. Buffett is known for picking adept managers for his many businesses, and even within that group, Abel stood out. But for Berkshire Hathaway, for Wall Street — and maybe even for a certain vision of American capitalism — there's no one like Buffett himself. Warren Edward Buffett started life in a pretty good spot, the son of a father in the investment business who later became a congressman. Buffett was something of a 1950s nepo baby, starting his career in 1951 as a salesman for Buffett, Falk, & Co., his father's investment firm. unknown content item - But the young Buffett started his own investment firm in 1956; less the a decade later, he owned a controlling stake in Berkshire Hathaway, then a struggling textile manufacturer in New Bedford, Massachusetts. Berkshire would become his primary investment vehicle – and he turned it into a sprawling conglomerate. Buffett was a simple but rigorous investor: He didn't buy what he didn't understand, and he read voraciously and dug deep to understand everything he possibly could. Five hundred pages of reading a day was about right, he's reportedly said. He had one relentless focus above all: value. Buy great companies cheap, then build them up and hold them forever. Profit. Repeat. That formula, along with the patience to keep piles and piles of cash parked until he saw opportunities worth pouncing on, helped make him at one point the world's richest person. On Saturday, when he announced his intent to step down, the Bloomberg Billionaires list ranked him at No. 5, with a personal fortune of $169 billion. The top four people on the list are all tech titans (Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg, for example). Buffett uses a landline, has an office without a computer and never sends emails. But it's not just his unmatched investment savvy that makes Buffett the Oracle of Omaha. It's also his larger-than-life (but still tightly controlled) persona. Devotees call Berkshire Hathaway annual shareholder meetings Woodstock for Capitalism. It's a fair description. No other company hosts anything like it. There is a giant showroom-style floor, with executives and representatives of many of his companies walking around. Buffett occasionally shows up to eat a Dairy Queen ice cream bar or, in years past, tossing a copy of the Omaha World-Herald newspaper onto the porch of a model Clayton home (all, of course, Berkshire companies getting free publicity by the cameras following him around). One year, I remember Buffett came out to the floor accompanied by his security detail (necessary, given the hordes of fans trying to get anywhere near him) and did his routine stopping by the booths of his various companies. At one point I saw a quiet, nerdy man trailing behind Buffett, chatting with someone but otherwise going largely unnoticed. It was Bill Gates. The Berkshire Hathaway annual meeting, and especially the floor, might be the only place on earth where the Microsoft founder was an also-ran in the stakes for attention. Berkshire companies present sell special meeting-only merch, from high-end trinkets at jeweler Borsheims down to Warren Buffett squishmallows. Yes, he even makes money off his own shareholders at his company's annual meeting. But the main event was the Saturday question-and-answer session by Buffett and his longtime partner, sidekick and bestie, Charlie Munger, who died in late 2023 at the age of 99. The two took questions on a giant stage, in front of thousands of cheering fans and shareholders (cans of Coke in plain view — Berkshire is a major investor in the beverage company). The two dispensed everything from investment advice to folksy wisdom (Munger in particular the king of the quip). Through it all ran a strain of unbridled optimism in America — as a nation, as a place to make money, as a place to give opportunities to those who need it most. The two were cheerleaders for a vision that saw ever-more golden days ahead, figuratively and literally, even in times of turbulence. Greg Abel is well known within Berkshire and to the company's shareholders and followers. But it's hard to picture him hawking Squishmallows of himself, or putting his face on a bottle of Heinz ketchup. But Berkshire isn't the same company as it used to be, either. Buffett has been open about how it's harder to get the same eye-popping returns now that the company has gotten so much bigger. And the world, of course, has changed significantly this year alone, with President Donald Trump's tariffs scrambling economic outlooks and possibly resetting a global monetary order. 'There's never been someone like Warren,' Apple CEO Tim Cook wrote on social media Saturday. 'And there's no question that Warren is leaving Berkshire in great hands with Greg.' Sign in to access your portfolio

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