Latest news with #1701
Yahoo
15-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Lebanon Needs Help From the U.S. to Finish Disarming Hezbollah
For the first time in the history of the often-uneasy relations between Lebanon, Israel and the United States, all three sides agree on a common end state for Lebanon: The Lebanese state should gain a monopoly on the use of force in that country, and the Lebanese army should become its sole legitimate provider of security. In practical terms, this means the disarmament of Hezbollah and all other armed militias operating on Lebanese soil, consistent with United Nations Resolutions 1559 and 1701. The three sides still disagree on how to achieve that outcome, and U.S. President Donald Trump's administration is running out of patience with the impasse. But through U.S.-facilitated confidence-building measures between Lebanon and Israel, the current diplomatic deadlock can be broken. This is urgently needed to preserve the momentum created since the cessation of hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah last November, avert a new war and ultimately achieve a lasting peace between the two countries. But first, it's important to recognize how monumental this moment is and how the three sides got here. Hezbollah emerged severely weakened from its latest war with Israel, which began when the group started launching rockets, drones and missiles against northern Israel on Oct. 8, 2023, in support of Hamas. The conflict ended after a sustained assault by Israel last summer and fall that left Israeli forces in control of five strategic positions in southern Lebanon. The war may not have dealt a fatal blow to Hezbollah, but it is definitely not the force it once was. Israel has decapitated the group, deeply penetrated its upper-echelon leadership and destroyed much of its arsenal, thus casting serious doubt about its future as a coherent armed unit. Hezbollah's significant loss of influence—coupled with the collapse of the regime of former dictator Bashar al-Assad in Syria, which had long been a major conduit of Iranian-supplied weapons for the Shiite party—has had immediate effects on Lebanon's internal power dynamics. Because Hezbollah is no longer able to exercise a veto on political developments in the country, let alone impose its will on its domestic adversaries as it did in recent years, a pro-reform tandem is in now charge in Beirut: President Joseph Aoun—the highly respected former army chief—and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam are charting a new political course for Lebanon, one that is centered on holistic change and free of the dominance of Hezbollah and its main ally, Iran. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. To be sure, Lebanon is still faced with numerous challenges, including fixing a severe economic crisis, securing the independence of the judicial system, reforming the state bureaucracy and restructuring the banking sector. Yet none is more significant and urgent than identifying a viable path toward disarming Hezbollah. Indeed, Hezbollah's weapons are the biggest obstacle to any Lebanese state-building project, as they enable and sustain all of the above-mentioned problems. Brokered by the U.S. and France, the ceasefire agreement that ended the fighting between Israel and Hezbollah last year calls on the former to withdraw all its troops from southern Lebanon and the latter to move its fighters away from the northern bank of the Litani River. The Lebanese army, with the help of the U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon, or UNIFIL, is expected to substantially increase its deployment in the area and seize all arms belonging to Hezbollah. The Lebanese army has made important strides in destroying Hezbollah stockpiles in the area south of the Litani River, with little to no resistance from the group. Since the ceasefire, it has carried out more than 500 missions to inspect potential Hezbollah sites, dismantle infrastructure and confiscate weapons. It has even won praise for its efforts from the commanding officer of the U.S.-French monitoring mechanism helping it locate those sites. While the Lebanese army has admirably pursued its mission in the area south of the Litani River, it has struggled in the northern part, whose Lebanese Shiite communities have long been a base of support for Hezbollah. Indeed, it only started to move very slowly and carefully toward the area north of the Litani, where it is suspected that heavy Hezbollah stockpiles are located, last week. Beirut has argued that the lack of progress in the area is due to Israel's continued occupation of the five key high points in southern Lebanon, in violation of the ceasefire agreement. The Lebanese government is reluctant to instruct the army to dismantle Hezbollah's weapons infrastructure north of the Litani more quickly and forcibly, because Hezbollah stores many of its weapons in the area in civilian homes, meaning the army would have to enter those homes to confiscate them. It fears that, absent a full Israeli withdrawal, Hezbollah and its supporters may be less compliant than they have been to date south of the Liani. And the army, which remains one of the few state institutions to enjoy broad popular trust in Lebanon, is not about to fight the very people it is supposed to protect for the sake of Israeli security. If it does, it could lose that societal consensus on its role and see defections within its ranks. That's a recipe for disintegration along sectarian lines, which has happened twice in Lebanon's recent history, in 1976 and 1984. For its part, Israel cites security concerns for keeping its troops in Lebanon, claiming that Hezbollah—also in violation of the ceasefire—is attempting to rebuild in the south as well as in Beirut's southern suburbs. There have also been several instances of rockets having been fired against Israel from southern Lebanon since the ceasefire. In addition to remaining in southern Lebanon, the Israeli military has been conducting periodic attacks against Hezbollah operatives and facilities anytime it sees a threat. Israel has at least three reasons for wanting to maintain a troop presence in southern Lebanon: first, to create a buffer zone that might alleviate the concerns of Israelis who had to flee their homes in the north during the 13 months of fighting with Hezbollah; second, to exercise political pressure on the Lebanese government to expedite the process of Hezbollah's disarmament; and third, to maintain the unity and cohesion of the ultra-rightwing Israeli government, which opposes making any concessions in Gaza and Lebanon. The standoff ultimately comes down to an understandable lack of trust between the two sides, which only an incremental approach that includes confidence-building measures can fix. The Lebanese government can do its part by formally announcing that it is committed to a verifiable process to disarm Hezbollah, as well as a fixed timetable of at most a few months to do so. In addition, it should immediately instruct the Lebanese army to formulate and publicly communicate a comprehensive strategy for securing both its southern and northeastern borders. To make it politically credible and militarily effective, such a strategy would need to be developed with the help of U.S. Central Command and the U.S. Embassy's Defense Attache Office in Beirut. Over the years, U.S. military assistance has helped improve the capabilities of the Lebanese army, allowing it in 2017 to successfully evict scores of ISIS fighters in the north and pursue a range of counter-smuggling operations along the border with Syria. But even if the Lebanese government were to order the army to step up, it lacks the experience and the necessary funding, personnel, training and equipment to secure the borders with both Israel and Syria. Indeed, that the army has been able to survive at all despite years of political crises in Beirut and the collapse of the Lebanese economy is nothing short of a miracle. This is where U.S. engagement becomes crucial. If Washington significantly upgrades its military assistance program with Lebanon, it will enable the Lebanese army to deploy 15,000 troops south of the Litani in accordance with the terms of the U.S.-French roadmap, which itself could alleviate the security concerns of Israel and incentivize it to withdraw from the five hilltops it now occupies. The troops aren't a the Lebanese army lacks in particular to fulfill its duties is a multidomain awareness concept and system to carry on and expand the disarmament of Hezbollah along the southern border with Israel, and to prevent the smuggling of goods, arms and people across the northeastern border with Syria. Some of the requirements for implementing such a strategy include enhanced capabilities in intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, or ISR, such as unmanned aerial surveillance and targeting systems, radars, ground sensors and human intelligence assets. But that only covers data collection. The Lebanese army would also have to analyze, fuse and disseminate that data effectively, which would require AI-driven threat analysis, a joint operations intelligence center and improved connectivity. Finally, to act on this data, the Lebanese army would have to create two additional Land Border Regiments as well as a Quick Reaction Force equipped with tactical and reconnaissance vehicles, helicopters and maritime assets. All of this would require U.S. security cooperation. But in addition to helping to build the capacity of the Lebanese army, the U.S. must also try to bridge the divide between the Lebanese and Israeli positions and push both sides to make concessions in the interest of a common end state and regional security. Indeed, it is uniquely positioned to do so, but as mentioned already, the Trump administration's patience is wearing thin. Israel must realize that it is shooting itself in the foot by continuing to occupy Lebanese territory without a clear security rationale, while Lebanon must appreciate that the new strategic environment has dramatically shifted in favor of Israel and that the window of opportunity for U.S. engagement will not remain open forever. The worst-case scenario for Lebanon would be if the U.S. loses interest in the country. We're not there yet, but unlike in the past, it's no longer an unthinkable scenario, especially if Lebanon continues to avoid the hard decisions on disarming Hezbollah and kick the can down the road. Bilal Y. Saab is the senior managing director of TRENDS US, an associate fellow with Chatham House and an adjunct professor with Georgetown University. The post Lebanon Needs Help From the U.S. to Finish Disarming Hezbollah appeared first on World Politics Review.
LBCI
07-04-2025
- Politics
- LBCI
President Aoun to ATFL: Israel's actions complicate situation, Lebanon remains committed to Resolution 1701
During a meeting with a delegation from the American Task Force on Lebanon (ATFL), President Joseph Aoun stressed that Lebanon is committed to fully implementing reforms and U.N. Resolution 1701. "Israel's continued presence in the five occupied points will not benefit Lebanon and will only further complicate the situation," he added رئيس الجمهورية خلال استقباله وفداً من مجموعة العمل الأميركية لدعم لبنان ATFL: - لبنان ملتزم بتنفيذ الإصلاحات وبالقرار 1701 بشكل كامل - بقاء إسرائيل في النقاط الخمس التي احتلتها لن يكون مفيداً للبنان، بل يزيد الوضع تعقيدًا — Lebanese Presidency (@LBpresidency) April 7, 2025
Nahar Net
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Nahar Net
Special Coordinator for Lebanon voices 'cautious optimism' as she briefs Security Council
by Naharnet Newsdesk 18 March 2025, 09:49 'Cautious optimism, Madam President, is the flavor of the day' -- these were the words of the U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, who briefed the United Nations Security Council on the implementation of resolution 1701. She used them to synopsize the recent government formation process in Lebanon, welcoming both the "promising ministerial agenda" adopted, while noting that Lebanon's protracted leadership vacuum had left the country's new administration with just over one year to tackle a series of daunting challenges. Speaking alongside Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix, the Special Coordinator provided the Council with an overview of the security situation in the country. While noting that the cessation of hostilities continued to hold, she added that this did not mean that all military activity on Lebanese territory had ceased. She further explained that the sustained presence of the Israeli army on Lebanese territory, alongside ongoing strikes, could easily lead to 'serious ripple effects' on the Lebanese side of the Blue Line. 'We urgently need diplomatic and political discussions capable of forging a path to the full implementation of resolution 1701,' she stressed, warning that the status quo, fueled in part by clashes in the interpretation of the November Understanding and resolution 1701 or 'cherry-picking' from among their provisions, would only end in another conflagration. The Special Coordinator went on to note that recent momentum towards such discussions provided a 'glimmer of hope'. While highlighting positive developments in southern Lebanon, including the 'admirable job' of the Lebanese Armed Forces in deploying to all towns and villages in southern Lebanon, as well as the February decision of the Israeli army's Home Front Command to lift remaining restrictions on Israel's northern frontier, she acknowledged that a climate of fear persisted on both sides of the Blue Line. In this context, Hennis-Plasschaert also noted that the Lebanese Government was walking a 'fine line' in a post-conflict landscape and that it deserved 'both patience and time.' Noting the yawning gaps in international funding for Lebanon, the Special Coordinator stated: 'A failure to kick off recovery and reconstruction would come at a high price. People must see and feel the dividends of stability before they can truly believe in it.'
Ya Libnan
28-02-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
Israeli troops ‘staying indefinitely' in Lebanon border buffer zone, defense minister says
File : A map showing the locations of five IDF posts in southern Lebanon that troops will remain deployed to after a February 18, 2025, deadline. It dominates the area of Bint Jbeil, Maroun al-Ras, and Wadi Saluki (Times of Israel) UN envoy Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert and the UNIFIL peacekeeping force said any further 'delay in withdrawal of Israeli troops is a violation of a 2006 Security Council resolution 1701 that ended a past Israel-Hezbollah war. Israeli forces are 'staying indefinitely' in a buffer zone on the border with Lebanon, Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Thursday, adding that their presence was 'situation-dependent'. The news comes after Lebanon called for the full withdrawal of Israeli troops under a ceasefire that came into effect late last year. Beirut , Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Thursday that Israeli forces would indefinitely remain in what he called a 'buffer zone', in southern Lebanon. Katz earlier this month had said troops would stay at five locations in Lebanon's south even after the expiry of an extended deadline for Israel to withdraw under a ceasefire with Lebanon's Iran-backed Hezbollah group. 'There is a buffer zone. It wasn't easy but I stood my ground, and we received a green light from the United States. We gave them a map, and we are staying indefinitely – this is situation-dependent, not time-dependent,' Katz said at a conference, according to a statement issued by his office. Israeli forces were to withdraw from southern Lebanon on February 18 under a November 27 truce agreement which ended more than a year of hostilities, including two months of all-out war during which Israel sent in ground troops. On the deadline day, Katz said Israel's military 'will remain in a buffer zone in Lebanon with five control positions.' Foreign Minister Gideon Saar called them 'strategic high points' that were 'necessary for our security'. He said at the time that Israel would 'temporarily' remain in the five points until 'Lebanon fully implements its side of the deal'. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and the country's other leaders declared any Israeli presence on Lebanese soil an 'occupation'. Under the ceasefire brokered by Washington and Paris, Lebanon's military was to deploy alongside United Nations peacekeepers as the Israeli army withdrew over a 60-day period that was prolonged to February 18. Hezbollah was to pull back north of the Litani River, about 30 kilometres (20 miles) from the border, and dismantle remaining military infrastructure there. In a joint statement, UN envoy Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert and the UNIFIL peacekeeping force said that at 'the end of the period set' for Israel's withdrawal and the Lebanese army's deployment, any further 'delay in this process is not what we hoped would happen' and a violation of a 2006 Security Council resolution that ended a past Israel-Hezbollah war. Hostilities between Hezbollah and Israel – initiated by the militant group's support of its ally Hamas – ended with the ceasefire that has largely held despite mutual accusations of violations. The conflict significantly weakened Hezbollah and decimated its leadership Not first time for Lebanon 'Every war that Hezbollah launched against Israel resulted in lost territories for Lebanon' , Ali Hussein a Lebanese analyst was quoted as saying . 'In 2006 Lebanon lost the northern part of the village of Ghajar and in its latest war Lebanon lost a huge territory , all in the name of the Axis of Resistance , for increasing Iran's influence in the region '. The best thing for Lebanon is for Hezbollah to hand over its arms to the Lebanese army, since Lebanon cannot afford such a loser .' he added FRANCE24/ AFP
MTV Lebanon
07-02-2025
- Politics
- MTV Lebanon
Mikati discusses situation with French Ambassador, receives Mufti of Tripoli and the North
Outgoing Prime Minister Najib Mikati welcomed French Ambassador to Lebanon Hervé Magro at his residence in Tripoli. During the meeting, the general situation in Lebanon, the implementation of international resolutions, especially 1701, and the Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Lebanese territories in the south were discussed. Premier Mikati also received Mufti of Tripoli and the North, Sheikh Mohammad Imam. Among Mikati's itinerant visitors for today had been respectively the head of the Engineers Syndicate in the North, Shawqi Fatfat,Head of the Health Authority in the North region, Dr. Saadallah Sabouneh, Head of the Federation of Trade Unions and Employees in North Lebanon, Shadi Al-Sayed, and scores of dignitaries from Tripoli and the North.
