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Public service in Southern Africa: A New era of collaboration and accountability
Public service in Southern Africa: A New era of collaboration and accountability

IOL News

time25-07-2025

  • Politics
  • IOL News

Public service in Southern Africa: A New era of collaboration and accountability

South Africa Minister of Foreign Affairs Ronald Lamola (C) is seen during the joint meeting of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community Ministers on the Democratic Republic of Congo conflict held in Harare, on March 17 2025. In Windhoek, delegates from ten Southern African Development Community (SADC) member states gathered for the SADC Public Service Commissions (PSCs) Forum, marking a pivotal moment for statecraft in the region. This forum, with participation from nations such as South Africa, Angola, Zimbabwe, and Mauritius, underscores a pressing dedication to redefine the core of public administration across Southern Africa. The consensus is clear: the existing bureaucratic framework, characterised by inefficiency, patronage, and stagnation, must evolve into a contemporary, ethical, and development-oriented public service.A New Vision for Public ServantsProfessor Somadoda Fikeni, Chairperson of South Africa's Public Service Commission, has articulated a bold and much-needed vision for a "new type of public servant." This reimagining calls for public servants to be more than mere functionaries; they must be active drivers of social transformation, characterised by their ethical conduct, technical proficiency, social consciousness, and development-oriented approach. This visionary perspective is long overdue. Challenges Undermining Governance Uneven public service delivery persists across the SADC region, marked by corruption, politicisation, a lack of accountability, and insufficient investment in human capital. Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index reveals that seven of the ten forum-participating countries score below 50 out of 100, signifying severe systemic governance challenges. For instance, public trust in Zimbabwe's government services remains critically low due to widespread mismanagement, particularly in vital sectors like health and education. Conversely, Mauritius, with a score of 53, exemplifies how ethical governance and a commitment to public service excellence can foster stability and sustainable advocacy for a revitalised public service is not mere theoretical discourse; it directly addresses systemic issues that have historically impeded progress. The Southern African region experiences some of the world's most severe rates of unemployment and inequality. South Africa, the continent's leading industrialised nation, for instance, reported a striking youth unemployment rate of 46,1% in Q1 2025, according to Stats SA. In such a climate, an efficient public service is not merely advantageous but is fundamental to economic revitalisation, equitable development, and maintaining democratic integrity. The Case for Regional Cooperation The upcoming forum in Windhoek offers a crucial opportunity to transcend the historical siloing of SADC states in civil service reform, fostering greater cross-border collaboration and policy harmonisation. Regional cooperation is pivotal for accelerating policy learning and consolidating limited institutional capacity. For example, Botswana's significant progress in digitising public services, notably its Integrated Public Service Portal, led to a 30% reduction in administrative delays in 2023. This success provides a scalable framework for nations such as Malawi and Lesotho, where digital integration in governance is still in its nascent strategies are essential for addressing cross-border challenges like migration, climate change, and transnational corruption. For example, Zambia and Zimbabwe frequently encounter coordination issues in the management of shared water resources and infrastructure projects within the Zambezi basin. Such inefficiencies could be resolved through a regional public service framework that prioritizes joint training, shared data platforms, and interoperable regulations. Building Capacity for the Future Fikeni's focus on a 'moral compass' is particularly relevant in a region plagued by widespread ethical failures within its civil service. However, ethics alone will not suffice. Tomorrow's public servant must also possess technical expertise and strategic foresight. As AI, climate resilience, and digital transformation reshape governance, traditional bureaucratic models are becoming achieve the African Union's Agenda 2063 and realise the vision of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), a digitally literate, policy-agile, and globally competitive public workforce is essential. The current skills gap is a critical concern: as of 2024, only 19% of public servants in SADC countries have received formal training in data analysis or e-governance, according to the African Capacity Building Foundation. Addressing this deficit is not merely an option; it is fundamental to Africa's prevent the Windhoek forum from being merely a ceremonial summit, its outcomes must incorporate concrete mechanisms. Firstly, a regional public service observatory should be created to monitor reforms, assess service delivery benchmarks, and release annual progress reports. Secondly, a common code of ethics, consistent with the African Charter on the Values and Principles of Public Service and Administration, ought to be implemented across SADC states. Thirdly, it is crucial to invest in regional public administration schools, emphasising ethical leadership, data governance, and policy Africa, with its rich resources and experience in complex governance reforms, can play a pivotal role. However, distributed leadership is key, with smaller states such as Mauritius and Botswana contributing their best practices and institutional models. The SADC PSCs forum arrives at a critical moment. Southern Africa faces increasing socio-economic challenges, making a capable, ethical, and forward-thinking public service an urgent and essential requirement. It is time for the region to prioritise investment in its governance personnel, rather than solely focusing on policy implementation. This is the only path to achieving a genuinely developmental state that serves its citizens instead of ruling over them. The discussions in Windhoek should not conclude the dialogue, but rather initiate a broader movement.

Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in 285 trillion rupiah graft case
Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in 285 trillion rupiah graft case

Business Times

time11-07-2025

  • Business
  • Business Times

Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in 285 trillion rupiah graft case

[JAKARTA] Indonesia has detained an employee of Trafigura Group along with seven other suspects in a case involving oil procurement by state-owned Pertamina, widening one of the nation's largest corruption investigations in recent decades. The Indonesian attorney general's office (AGO) said late Thursday (Jul 11) that it had held eight suspects, and was pursuing another believed to be overseas. They have been accused of alleged irregularities in oil purchases between 2018 and 2023, including actions related to export and import, vessel and terminal leasing, and product compensation arrangements. The suspects include an employee of commodity trader Trafigura Group who was a business development manager during the period in question. There are also two individuals linked to other private companies, as well as six people who were executives at Pertamina and its subsidiaries at the time, prosecutors said. The AGO identified them only by their initials and job titles. A spokesperson for Trafigura said that an employee of its Indonesian subsidiary had been cooperating with Indonesian authorities before being named a suspect in the case. The company is providing legal representation while awaiting further details about the allegations. A spokesperson for Pertamina said in a text message that the firm would respect the ongoing legal process and cooperate with authorities. Suspects have not been officially charged. The AGO can hold suspects for an initial detention period of 20 days, after which it must file charges, seek an extension or release those held. Abdul Qohar, a director at the AGO, said at a press briefing that prosecutors estimated state losses from the graft identified in the case at around 285 trillion rupiah (S$22.5 billion). This is up from the 193 trillion rupiah reported in February, after taking into consideration the broader impact on the economy. A NEWSLETTER FOR YOU Friday, 8.30 am Asean Business Business insights centering on South-east Asia's fast-growing economies. Sign Up Sign Up The high-profile investigation represents a credibility test for President Prabowo Subianto, who has pledged to crack down on corruption in the country's sprawling state-owned enterprises. South-east Asia's largest economy ranks 99th out of 180 countries in Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index. AGO spokesperson Harli Siregar said authorities have detained over a dozen executives from Pertamina, its subsidiaries, and trading companies since February as part of a broader probe that has included the questioning of more than 250 witnesses. Prosecutors alleged that detainees had encouraged refineries to import crude and oil products at marked-up prices via opaque trading arrangements. In May, investigators also asked a number of several Singapore-based oil traders to meet in the city-state for questioning. The island is a storage hub for refined oil products, making it a vital link in the fuel supply chain. Qohar said the AGO was working with Indonesian legal representatives overseas to track down the final suspect, with a focus on Singapore. 'We've received information that the individual is there,' he said. 'We're taking all necessary steps to locate and bring him back.' BLOOMBERG

Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in US$17 billion graft case
Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in US$17 billion graft case

Business Times

time11-07-2025

  • Business
  • Business Times

Indonesia detains Trafigura employee in US$17 billion graft case

[JAKARTA] Indonesia has detained an employee of Trafigura Group along with seven other suspects in a case involving oil procurement by state-owned PT Pertamina, widening one of the nation's largest corruption investigations in recent decades. The Indonesian attorney general's office (AGO) said late Thursday (Jul 11) that it had held eight suspects, and was pursuing another believed to be overseas. They have been accused of alleged irregularities in oil purchases between 2018 and 2023, including actions related to export and import, vessel and terminal leasing, and product compensation arrangements. The suspects include an employee of commodity trader Trafigura Group who was a business development manager during the period in question, as well as two individuals linked to other private companies and six people who were executives at Pertamina and subsidiaries at the time, prosecutors said. The attorney general's office identified them only by their initials and job titles. A spokesperson for Trafigura said that an employee of its Indonesian subsidiary had been cooperating with Indonesian authorities before being named a suspect in the case. The company is providing legal representation while awaiting further details about the allegations. A spokesperson for Pertamina said in text message that the firm would respect the ongoing legal process and cooperate with authorities. Suspects have not been officially charged. The AGO can hold suspects for an initial detention period of 20 days, after which it must file charges, seek an extension or release those held. Prosecutors estimated state losses from the graft identified in the case at around 285 trillion rupiah (S$22.5 billion), up from 193 trillion rupiah reported around detentions in February, after taking into consideration the broader impact on the economy, Abdul Qohar, a director at the AGO, said at a press briefing. A NEWSLETTER FOR YOU Friday, 8.30 am Asean Business Business insights centering on South-east Asia's fast-growing economies. Sign Up Sign Up The high-profile investigation represents a credibility test for President Prabowo Subianto, who has pledged to crack down on corruption in the country's sprawling state-owned enterprises. South-east Asia's largest economy ranks 99th out of 180 countries in Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index. Authorities have now detained more than a dozen executives from Pertamina, its subsidiaries, and trading companies since February as part of a broader probe that has included the questioning of more than 250 witnesses, AGO spokesperson Harli Siregar said. Prosecutors in February alleged detainees had encouraged refineries to import crude and oil products at marked-up prices via opaque trading arrangements. In May, investigators also asked a number of several Singapore-based oil traders to meet in the city-state for questioning. The island is a storage hub for refined oil products, making it a vital link in the fuel supply chain. Qohar said the attorney general's office was working with Indonesian legal representatives overseas to track down the final suspect, with a focus on neighbouring Singapore. 'We've received information that the individual is there,' he said. 'We're taking all necessary steps to locate and bring him back.' BLOOMBERG

Youth Council Supports Rights To Protest Against Corruption
Youth Council Supports Rights To Protest Against Corruption

BusinessToday

time26-06-2025

  • Politics
  • BusinessToday

Youth Council Supports Rights To Protest Against Corruption

Malaysian Youth Council (MBM) President Mohd Izzat Afifi Hj Abdul Hamid has urged authorities to take firmer and more transparent action against corruption, while affirming support for the students who organised the recent Gempur Rasuah Sabah 2.0 protest. He welcomed the Prime Minister's directive not to take disciplinary action against Universiti Malaysia Sabah students who staged the demonstration. He said this decision reflects the value of ihsan as outlined in the Malaysia Madani vision. However, he questioned the Royal Malaysia Police's decision to investigate the students under the Sedition Act 1948, saying it contradicts the Prime Minister's guidance. While condemning the act of burning a photograph of the Prime Minister during the protest, he stressed that such actions should not overshadow the protest's underlying message. The students had voiced their rejection of corruption, power abuse and poor governance. He acknowledged the courage of the students and said their concerns reflect the younger generation's deep care for integrity in government. He urged the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) to act more decisively and fairly, especially in high-profile cases. According to him, the fight against corruption must be consistent and impartial to restore public trust. Citing Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, which gave Malaysia a score of 50 and placed the country 57th out of 180 nations, he said this was a clear sign that stronger national action was needed. He called for a 'whole-of-nation' approach and said MBM was ready to act as a bridge between students and agencies like MACC. He also offered MBM's support in organising engagement sessions and policy discussions that involve student voices. He concluded that the fight against corruption must be guided by wisdom, responsibility and courage for the sake of a clean and just Malaysia. 'For truth and justice,' he said. Related

Myanmar re-enters list of world's most corrupt nations, raising alarm: Comment
Myanmar re-enters list of world's most corrupt nations, raising alarm: Comment

The Star

time25-06-2025

  • Business
  • The Star

Myanmar re-enters list of world's most corrupt nations, raising alarm: Comment

YANGON: Following the political changes, Myanmar has re-entered the list of the world's most corrupt countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) within four years, raising concerns among political analysts. According to annual reports by Transparency International, which investigates corruption worldwide, Myanmar has once again been listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the four years since the 2021 political changes. Transparency International's report shows that in 2021, the year of Myanmar's political shift, the country ranked 140th out of 180 nations. By 2022, Myanmar fell further to 157th out of 180 countries. In 2023, it dropped even lower to 162nd place out of 180. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index released by Transparency International, Myanmar has now reached 168th place. The report indicates that over the four years since the political changes, Myanmar's corruption index has worsened year after year. From 140th in 2021, the country fell 17 places to 157th in 2022—a sharp decline in just one year. Additionally, in 2023, it dropped another five places to 162nd compared to the previous year. In the latest 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) released by Transparency International, Myanmar has fallen to 168th place, marking a six-place drop compared to its 2023 ranking. When comparing its 2021 ranking (140th) to its 2024 position (168th), the country has declined by 28 places over just four years, reflecting a sharp deterioration in governance and transparency. Germany-based Transparency International determines country rankings by evaluating multiple factors including: corruption levels in government offices, assessments by experts and business communities, and data from World Bank and World Economic Forum reports. The CPI scoring system ranges from 0 to 100, where 100 represents "very clean" (least corrupt) and 0 indicates "highly corrupt." Transparency International is an organisation dedicated to monitoring systems and networks that enable global corruption while working to drive meaningful reforms. According to Transparency International's reports, Myanmar was ranked as most corrupt in 2011, the year when President Thein Sein's government took office following the 2010 elections. In the 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 183 countries, Myanmar was ranked 180th - among the worst performers globally. Subsequently, Myanmar became the 165th country to ratify the UN Convention Against Corruption on December 20, 2012. The government passed an anti-corruption law in 2013, and President Thein Sein established the Anti-Corruption Commission in 2014. After joining the anti-corruption convention, Myanmar's CPI ranking gradually improved. In the 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index covering 176 countries, Myanmar was ranked 172nd. In the 2013 index of 177 countries, Myanmar improved to 157th position. The 2014 assessment of 175 nations placed Myanmar at 156th, while the 2015 evaluation of 167 countries saw Myanmar rise further to 147th place. Although President Thein Sein's administration began with Myanmar's worst corruption ranking in 2011, his government successfully improved the country's standing in the Corruption Perceptions Index over the subsequent four years. Similarly, during the NLD government's tenure, observable improvements were made in Myanmar's corruption rankings as reported by Transparency International. When the NLD administration took office in 2016, Myanmar was ranked 136th out of 176 countries. The 2017 index of 180 countries placed Myanmar at 130th, followed by 132nd in 2018 (out of 180), 130th in 2019 (out of 180), and 137th in 2020 (out of 179 nations). The data clearly demonstrates that both the Thein Sein administration and the subsequent NLD government achieved measurable progress in improving Myanmar's position in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index during their respective terms of office. However, as mentioned earlier, following the political changes in Myanmar in 2021, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index shows the country's rankings have progressively worsened year after year. Although the Anti-Corruption Commission has been implementing measures to combat corruption – including prevention and awareness programmes, risk assessments, legal investigations, confiscation of illicit assets and protection of state funds through collaboration with union ministries, regional governments and civil society organisations (CSOs) – the country's corruption rankings have continued declining for four consecutive years since the political transition. In the latest 2024 index released by Transparency International covering 180 countries, Myanmar ranked 168th and was identified as the most corrupt nation in Asean. In the 2024 rankings, the only countries performing worse than Myanmar were North Korea, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Somalia and South Sudan. During this period of political change, as Myanmar's ranking on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has risen year after year over the past four years, state-run newspapers this month featured an article titled "The Anti-Corruption Commission's Activities in 2024." The Anti-Corruption Commission announced that over 5,000 complaints have been filed with them in the four years since the political transition. According to the commission's report, in 2021—the year of the political change—1,334 complaints were filed. In 2022, there were 1,426 complaints; in 2023, 1,217 complaints; and in 2024, 1,225 complaints. This brings the total number of complaints over the four years to 5,202. In 2024, a total of 1,225 complaints were submitted: 1,166 to the commission's headquarters in Nay Pyi Taw, 26 to the Yangon branch office, 16 to the Mandalay branch office, 11 to the Taunggyi branch office, and six to the Mawlamyine branch office. The Anti-Corruption Commission stated that out of the 1,225 complaints received in 2024, action was taken on 813. Among the 813 complaints addressed, the commission directly investigated ten complaints, 534 complaints were transferred to relevant Union ministries and state/regional governments for further action, and 269 complaints were responded to with recommendations and advice to the individual complainants on necessary steps related to their reports. Of the remaining 422 complaints, 44 are still under review, while 368 could not be acted upon as they did not comply with the Anti-Corruption Law, according to the Anti-Corruption Commission. It has been reported that there were ten complaints forwarded by the State Administration Council (SAC), Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, along with 1,052 complaints directly submitted to the commission, 150 duplicate complaints, and 13 anonymous letters. In 2024, the commission investigated ten complaints referred by the SAC, Union Ministers, and State/Regional Governments, leading to legal action against 42 individuals. These cases included 27 major criminal offences and six general offences, prosecuted under the Anti-Corruption Law in the respective regional high courts. Additionally, 21 civil servants were referred to their respective departments for disciplinary action under Section 30(b) of the Anti-Corruption Law, the commission announced. Furthermore, in 2024, based on complaints transferred to Union Ministries and State/Regional Governments under Section 16(d) of the Anti-Corruption Law, 287 civil servants were subjected to disciplinary actions by their respective departments, the commission stated. Additionally, the Anti-Corruption Commission reported that among the complaints it received, action was taken against 67 individuals holding political positions, 23 high-ranking officials, 101 senior civil servants, 86 junior staff members, 18 public servants and 53 other individuals, in accordance with the Anti-Corruption Law. Furthermore, 3,030 civil servants were disciplined under the Civil Service Law. In terms of recovery and protection of public funds, the commission seized and returned over 27.33 billion kyats (US$13.014 million), while more than 156 billion kyats were safeguarded from potential misuse. When comparing the number of complaints filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission over the past four years of political transition to the pre-transition period, a decline in reported cases has been observed. According to the commission's data, over 28,000 complaints were submitted during the five-year term of the NLD-led government, significantly higher than the current figures. When examined by year, the number of complaints received was 710 complaints in 2016, 2,014 complaints in 2017, 10,543 complaints in 2018, 9,394 complaints in 2019 and 5,963 complaints in 2020. Comparing the NLD administration period with the four years following the political transition, there has been a significant decrease in the number of complaints submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission. During the five-year NLD administration, over 28,000 complaints were filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission, averaging about 6,000 complaints per year. In contrast, during the four years following the political transition, only slightly over 5,000 complaints were submitted, averaging just over 1,000 complaints annually. While the exact reasons for this substantial decline in complaints to the Anti-Corruption Commission remain unclear, there has been widespread criticism and questioning regarding Myanmar's improving rankings year after year on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. "If the Anti-Corruption Commission could be more transparent in disclosing their they could provide more visible and clearer public reports, these issues would likely be somewhat resolved. commented a political analyst. The recent rise in Myanmar's ranking on the global Corruption Perceptions Index can be primarily attributed to several key factors, according to analysts: the weakening rule of law, ongoing internal armed conflicts and rising inflation rates within the country. Political observers also note that this deterioration reflects the Anti-Corruption Commission's lack of transparency and ineffective enforcement measures. Furthermore, analysts emphasise that combating corruption requires more than just politically motivated actions—it demands comprehensive, grassroots-level efforts to truly make an impact. "If we're discussing how to effectively reduce corruption, we should note that relevant government departments already have established anti-corruption committees. These ministerial-level committees need to become significantly more proactive in their work," said a political observer. "On another front, we must conduct deeper research into the root causes of corruption. There are multiple approaches - not just punitive measures, but also preventive solutions. If we can create systemic conditions that naturally reduce opportunities for corruption, we'll see better results. Failing that, we need law enforcement bodies to take more decisive and effective action," the observer added. "Another crucial element is the role of CSOs. Could local organisations establish corruption monitoring mechanisms? Should there be more direct engagement between the public and the Anti-Corruption Commission beyond conventional channels? There are numerous potential approaches." Currently, bribery and corruption are widespread. Corruption has worsened significantly, and if the Anti-Corruption Commission intends to reverse these alarming trends, it must act swiftly and decisively to restore positive outcomes. Particularly, the commission's efforts must be effective, far-reaching, and inclusive to have a meaningful impact. In combating corruption, there should be no favouritism—no distinction between allies and opponents. Unlike previous eras, the fight cannot be politically motivated. Political analysts emphasise that the Anti-Corruption Commission must take strict and precise measures to address the rampant corruption occurring today. '"The situation has reached a critical point. A rapid response is crucial. To restore the country's previous standing, immediate action is necessary," remarked a political observer." - Eleven Media/ANN

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