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Democrat voters who sat out last election want candidates further to the left - like AOC and Bernie Sanders, new poll finds
Democrat voters who sat out last election want candidates further to the left - like AOC and Bernie Sanders, new poll finds

The Independent

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • The Independent

Democrat voters who sat out last election want candidates further to the left - like AOC and Bernie Sanders, new poll finds

Democratic voters who opted against casting a ballot in the 2024 election want more left-leaning candidates, a new poll indicates. Kamala Harris' defeat to Donald Trump in the 2024 election put the Democratic Party in a spiral trying to figure out what went wrong. While some have speculated that Harris was 'too far left,' costing her the election, new research by Lake Research Partners and Way to Win suggests otherwise. In a poll of 822 so-called 'Biden skippers,' those living in battleground states who voted for Biden in 2020 but sat out in 2024, Vermont Independent Senator Bernie Sanders and New York Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez topped the list of public figures they viewed favorably. Both Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez have campaigned on healthcare for all, environmental protection, and progressive wealth taxes. Of those surveyed, 78 percent had a favorable view of Sanders, 67 percent had a favorable view of Ocasio-Cortez, followed by California Governor Gavin Newsom with 60 percent and Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer with 50 percent. 'The conventional wisdom is really wrong on these voters,' Celinda Lake, pollster and founder of Lake Research Partners, told Rolling Stone. 'They're very clear about what they want and what they thought was missing in 2024: They want leaders who will fight for everyone… They're very health care-oriented…They want to crack down on Big Pharma… They're very populist. They have a clear economic agenda around affordability and making the wealthy pay what they owe in taxes.' She added: 'You can't get these voters by just being against things. You have to be for something… You have to be offering solutions… And you have to be standing up and fighting.' Perhaps the names that topped the list weren't surprising, seeing as Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez have been zigzagging across the country on a 'Fighting Oligarchy' tour. Tens of thousands have packed into arenas to hear the pair bash Trump's presidency and urge Americans to come together to combat the 'billionaire class,' as Sanders puts it. The poll unveiled other views held by voters who sat out the last election. 'Biden skippers' had an overall positive view of the Democratic party and almost half — 49 percent — said they check the news several times per day, the poll found. If they had voted in 2024, 56 percent said they would have voted for Harris while only 25 percent said they would have voted for Trump. Still, the survey found most made an active choice to sit out the last election. Asked why they skipped casting a ballot, the most common answer was that they didn't like either candidate. Of the issues that impacted their decisions to not vote, Harris' economic views ranked in the top two. They believed she didn't 'have a strong enough plan to get the cost of living down' and they thought she 'only focused on home buyers and the middle class, not addressing deeper issues like poverty and inequality,' the survey found. Still, 81 percent of 'Biden skippers' said they were motivated to vote in 2026. The top issues they care about are accessible and affordable healthcare, ensuring the wealthy pay what they owe in taxes, affordable housing, and curbing Big Pharma's price gouging for prescription drugs, the poll found. These voters are 'really ready for messaging to go on offense against what the Republicans are doing — whether it's cutting health care that hurts children, giving billionaires more tax giveaways, doing absolutely nothing to cut costs,' Jenifer Fernandez Ancona, a co-founder of Way to Win, told Rolling Stone. These desires map out a path forward for Democrats, as these voters seem to be 'uniquely winnable — and a key element to building back a more sustainable Democratic coalition, which is what we have to do,' Ancona said.

Rogan reveals what persuaded him to finally interview Trump right before the election
Rogan reveals what persuaded him to finally interview Trump right before the election

Fox News

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Fox News

Rogan reveals what persuaded him to finally interview Trump right before the election

Podcaster Joe Rogan spoke candidly about how a series of political revelations persuaded him to interview then-candidate Donald Trump in the 11th hour of the 2024 election. The 2024 presidential election was dubbed by some to be the "podcast election," as many suggested that Trump's appearances on numerous podcasts popular with young men swayed the outcome. The biggest example of all was Trump's interview on the "Joe Rogan Experience" in late October, which currently has 59 million views. In a newly released interview conducted earlier this year, "Ultimate Human" podcast host Gary Brecka noted how Rogan was initially hesitant to interview Trump on his show, and asked him what eventually changed his mind. "Well, there was a bunch of things that happened," Rogan said. "First of all, there was the lawfare. There was these lawsuits that they were trying to pin on him. They were trying to convict him and turn him into a felon, and they were doing it so blatantly and obviously. The case with the bookkeeping error or the bookkeeping, whatever it was. The misdemeanor that they had charged him with 34 felonies for, which isn't even a felony. It's a misdemeanor, and it's also past the statute of limitations. None of it made any sense. And people were cheering it on. 'He's a convicted felon.'" "Hey, they can do that to you. Do you understand that?," Rogan warned. "If they can do that to a former president, a former f---ing president who's rich as s---, they can do that to him, they can do that to you, too. You can't cheer this on. This is insane." The assassination attempt against Trump in Pennsylvania was another major factor that persuaded Rogan. He argued the incident could have been a "Lee Harvey Oswald 2.0." Another big influence, Rogan said, was the media bias against Trump. Because of the bias, he felt he needed to step up to provide a fair interview. "There's no real conversations with him where you're just treating him like a human being. Like everything, he's being grilled and then everything's taken out of context and I'm seeing him being taken out of context on the campaign trail and like it was just gross. It was just so anti-American," he said. He added, "If you're an American and you believe in our justice system and if you believe in our system of electing representatives, it should be [that] the best people should have this opportunity to express what their plan is, 'This is what I want to do. This is where I stand on the issues. This is how I think I could pull it off.' And then the American people are supposed to look at this person saying it and decide." After he did the interview in late October, Rogan went on to officially endorse Trump on the eve of the election.

2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs
2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs

The Guardian

time12-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs

Donald Trump is on a roll. The 'big, beautiful bill' is law. Ice, his paramilitary immigration force, rivals foreign armies for size and funding. Democrats stand demoralized and divided. 2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America, by Josh Dawsey, Tyler Pager and Isaac Arnsdorf, is a book for these times: aptly named, deeply sourced. Kamala Harris declined to speak. Joe Biden criticized his successor in a brief phone call, then balked. Trump talked, of course. 'If that didn't happen … I think I would've won, but it might have been a little bit closer,' he says of the assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, which set the race alight. Yet 2024 is about more than the horse race. It also chronicles how the elites unintentionally made Trump's restoration possible, despite a torrent of criminal charges against him, 34 resulting in convictions, and civil lawsuits that saw him fined hundreds of millions of dollars. 'Trump always drew his strength from decades of pent-up frustration with the American democratic system's failures to address the hardships and problems the people experienced in their daily lives,' Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf write. 'In 2024, [Trump's] supporters saw institutions stacked against them … leading them to identify viscerally with his legal ordeal, even though they had not experienced anything like it before.' Dawsey is a Pulitzer prize winner, working political investigations and enterprise for the Wall Street Journal. Pager covers the White House for the New York Times. Arnsdorf was part of the Washington Post team that won a Pulitzer for coverage of the assassination attempt. Dawsey and Pager are Post alumni. With Arnsdorf, they capture the aspirations and delusions of Trump and the pretenders to his Republican throne, of Biden and Harris too. 'In the weeks after the election, Biden repeatedly told allies that he could have won if he'd stayed in the race,' 2024 reports, 'even as he publicly questioned whether he could have served another four years.' Really? Biden's approval rating fell below 50% in August 2021 and never recovered. From October 2023, he trailed Trump. A year out, the authors reveal, Barack Obama warned his former vice-president's staff: 'Your campaign is a mess.' Biden's aides privately derided Obama as 'a prick'. 'They thought he and his inner circle had constantly disrespected and mistreated Biden, despite his loyal service as vice-president.' As for Harris, Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf report that she 'knew that the race would be close, but she really thought she would win'. Despite that, David Plouffe, a senior Harris adviser, admitted post-election that internal polls never showed her leading. 'I think it surprised people because there were these public polls that came out in late September, early October, showing us with leads that we never saw,' he said. Harris's debate win never moved the needle. Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf contend that the outcome was not foreordained. Rather, they raise a series of plausible-enough 'what-ifs'. One is: 'If the Democrats got clobbered, as expected, in the 2022 midterms, and Joe Biden never ran for re-election.' Except, by early 2022, according to This Shall Not Pass, a campaign book published that year, Biden saw himself as a cross between FDR and Obama. A telephone conversation between Biden and Abigail Spanberger, a moderate congresswoman now the Democratic candidate for governor in Virginia, captures Biden's self-perception. 'This is President Roosevelt,' Biden begins, before thanking Spanberger for her sense of humor. She replies: 'I'm glad you have a sense of humor, Mr President.' Back to 2024. Biden bristled at being challenged. Pushback risked being equated with disloyalty. His closest advisers were either family members or dependent on him for their livelihoods. He lacked social peers with incomes and personages of their own. Mike Donilon, a longtime aide, tells the authors: 'It was an act of insanity by the Democratic leadership to have forced Biden out. 'Tell me why you walked away from a guy with 81m votes … A native of [swing-state] Pennsylvania. Why do that?' Because Biden's debate performance was a gobsmacking disaster. He also found navigating the stairs of Air Force One difficult and needed prompts to find the podium. In May 2025, Biden announced that he had been diagnosed with stage-four prostate cancer – a disclosure that came after 2024 went to press. The authors of 2024 pose Republican hypotheticals too. One: 'If Trump never got indicted, or if Republicans didn't respond by rallying to him, or if the prosecutions were more successful.' Ron DeSantis, Florida's governor, demonstrated a lack of nerve. Glaringly, he failed to use the initial E Jean Carroll trial, over the writer's allegation that Trump sexually assaulted her, to bolster his presidential ambitions. DeSantis didn't dispatch his wife, Casey DeSantis, to Manhattan to offer daily thoughts and prayers for the plaintiff, or for Melania Trump. If you want to be the man, first you've got to beat the man. Another hypothetical: 'If Trump and Biden didn't agree to an early debate …' That question hangs over everything. Trump's pronouncements leave Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf anxious. After the 2022 midterms, he mused about terminating the constitution. Later, on the campaign trail, he spoke openly of being a 'dictator for a day'. When he was back in the West Wing, reporters asked: 'Are you a dictator on day one?' 'No,' he replied. 'I can't imagine even being called that.' Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf then catalog Trump's unilateral actions on that first day, including stripping political opponents of security clearances. Later that month, he commenced his vendetta against law firms he deemed to be enemies. In February, Trump barred the Associated Press from the White House press pool unless the news agency referred to the Gulf of Mexico as the 'Gulf of America'. 2024 contains no mention of Hungary's Viktor Orbán. Perhaps it should have made space. Hungary's leader is an autocrat in all but name, an elected leader who has removed freedoms regardless. Republicans adore him. 2024 is published in the US by Penguin Random House

2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs
2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs

The Guardian

time12-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

2024 book review: Trump, Biden, Harris and a turbulent election full of what-ifs

Donald Trump is on a roll. The 'big, beautiful bill' is law. Ice, his paramilitary immigration force, rivals foreign armies for size and funding. Democrats stand demoralized and divided. 2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America, by Josh Dawsey, Tyler Pager and Isaac Arnsdorf, is a book for these times: aptly named, deeply sourced. Kamala Harris declined to speak. Joe Biden criticized his successor in a brief phone call, then balked. Trump talked, of course. 'If that didn't happen … I think I would've won, but it might have been a little bit closer,' he says of the assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, which set the race alight. Yet 2024 is about more than the horse race. It also chronicles how the elites unintentionally made Trump's restoration possible, despite a torrent of criminal charges against him, 34 resulting in convictions, and civil lawsuits that saw him fined hundreds of millions of dollars. 'Trump always drew his strength from decades of pent-up frustration with the American democratic system's failures to address the hardships and problems the people experienced in their daily lives,' Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf write. 'In 2024, [Trump's] supporters saw institutions stacked against them … leading them to identify viscerally with his legal ordeal, even though they had not experienced anything like it before.' Dawsey is a Pulitzer prize winner, working political investigations and enterprise for the Wall Street Journal. Pager covers the White House for the New York Times. Arnsdorf was part of the Washington Post team that won a Pulitzer for coverage of the assassination attempt. Dawsey and Pager are Post alumni. With Arnsdorf, they capture the aspirations and delusions of Trump and the pretenders to his Republican throne, of Biden and Harris too. 'In the weeks after the election, Biden repeatedly told allies that he could have won if he'd stayed in the race,' 2024 reports, 'even as he publicly questioned whether he could have served another four years.' Really? Biden's approval rating fell below 50% in August 2021 and never recovered. From October 2023, he trailed Trump. A year out, the authors reveal, Barack Obama warned his former vice-president's staff: 'Your campaign is a mess.' Biden's aides privately derided Obama as 'a prick'. 'They thought he and his inner circle had constantly disrespected and mistreated Biden, despite his loyal service as vice-president.' As for Harris, Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf report that she 'knew that the race would be close, but she really thought she would win'. Despite that, David Plouffe, a senior Harris adviser, admitted post-election that internal polls never showed her leading. 'I think it surprised people because there were these public polls that came out in late September, early October, showing us with leads that we never saw,' he said. Harris's debate win never moved the needle. Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf contend that the outcome was not foreordained. Rather, they raise a series of plausible-enough 'what-ifs'. One is: 'If the Democrats got clobbered, as expected, in the 2022 midterms, and Joe Biden never ran for re-election.' Except, by early 2022, according to This Shall Not Pass, a campaign book published that year, Biden saw himself as a cross between FDR and Obama. A telephone conversation between Biden and Abigail Spanberger, a moderate congresswoman now the Democratic candidate for governor in Virginia, captures Biden's self-perception. 'This is President Roosevelt,' Biden begins, before thanking Spanberger for her sense of humor. She replies: 'I'm glad you have a sense of humor, Mr President.' Back to 2024. Biden bristled at being challenged. Pushback risked being equated with disloyalty. His closest advisers were either family members or dependent on him for their livelihoods. He lacked social peers with incomes and personages of their own. Mike Donilon, a longtime aide, tells the authors: 'It was an act of insanity by the Democratic leadership to have forced Biden out. 'Tell me why you walked away from a guy with 81m votes … A native of [swing-state] Pennsylvania. Why do that?' Because Biden's debate performance was a gobsmacking disaster. He also found navigating the stairs of Air Force One difficult and needed prompts to find the podium. In May 2025, Biden announced that he had been diagnosed with stage-four prostate cancer – a disclosure that came after 2024 went to press. The authors of 2024 pose Republican hypotheticals too. One: 'If Trump never got indicted, or if Republicans didn't respond by rallying to him, or if the prosecutions were more successful.' Ron DeSantis, Florida's governor, demonstrated a lack of nerve. Glaringly, he failed to use the initial E Jean Carroll trial, over the writer's allegation that Trump sexually assaulted her, to bolster his presidential ambitions. DeSantis didn't dispatch his wife, Casey DeSantis, to Manhattan to offer daily thoughts and prayers for the plaintiff, or for Melania Trump. If you want to be the man, first you've got to beat the man. Another hypothetical: 'If Trump and Biden didn't agree to an early debate …' That question hangs over everything. Trump's pronouncements leave Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf anxious. After the 2022 midterms, he mused about terminating the constitution. Later, on the campaign trail, he spoke openly of being a 'dictator for a day'. When he was back in the West Wing, reporters asked: 'Are you a dictator on day one?' 'No,' he replied. 'I can't imagine even being called that.' Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf then catalog Trump's unilateral actions on that first day, including stripping political opponents of security clearances. Later that month, he commenced his vendetta against law firms he deemed to be enemies. In February, Trump barred the Associated Press from the White House press pool unless the news agency referred to the Gulf of Mexico as the 'Gulf of America'. 2024 contains no mention of Hungary's Viktor Orbán. Perhaps it should have made space. Hungary's leader is an autocrat in all but name, an elected leader who has removed freedoms regardless. Republicans adore him. 2024 is published in the US by Penguin Random House

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