Latest news with #ANC-aligned
IOL News
01-08-2025
- Business
- IOL News
Parks Tau faces scrutiny over IDC board appointments
Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau says he will reply to specific questions from MPs at the meeting of the portfolio committee in connection with the appointment of the Industrial Development Corporation board members. Image: GCIS Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau is resisting calls for clarity regarding the appointment of the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) board members. He informed DA MP Toby Chance and EFF MP Sinawo Thambo that he would address their specific questions during the upcoming Portfolio Committee meeting on Trade, Industry and Competition. He stated that he had been invited to brief the portfolio committee on the appointment of the IDC board on July 22, but the meeting was postponed. 'Upon the rescheduling of the meeting, specific questions will be directly responded to during the meeting or after if there is still a need,' he said in his standard response. Chance on Thursday accused Tau of being evasive and deviating from his usual detailed responses. 'He has provided no information at all; ministers are obligated to respond in writing to written questions, which is unsatisfactory,' said Chance. 'We normally get detailed responses from him. This time, he seems very evasive in not providing answers,' he added. Last month, the Cabinet announced a new eight-member board for the IDC, which included ANC-aligned members such as former ministers Sydney Mufamadi and Ayanda Dlodlo, and former KwaZulu-Natal premier and now Higher Education Deputy Minister Nomusa Dube-Ncube. The Cabinet had also appointed Sam Bhembe, who is reportedly involved in a court battle with the finance institution over a R70 million debt. The IDC board appointments happened at a time when there was a public outcry over the appointment of chairpersons for the boards of Sector and Education Training Authorities, which have since been cancelled. At the time, Thambo requested an urgent committee meeting, and committee chairperson Mzwandile Masina wrote to Tau indicating it was prudent that they receive a briefing on the process followed in the IDC board appointments. Thambo also sent questions to Tau, wanting to know the process followed and the measures his department implemented to safeguard the IDC from undue political influence, among other things. He had expressed concern about a pattern of compromised appointments that was a direct consequence of politically motivated deployments. 'The IDC must not be reduced to a retirement destination for politically connected individuals,' read Thambo's letter to Tau. Get your news on the go, click here to join the Cape Argus News WhatsApp channel. Cape Argus
IOL News
24-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Malema warns new Minister Manamela about department challenges and advises Nkabane to be humble
EFF leader Julius Malema says former Higher Education minister Nobuhle Nkabane must be humble and know that she does not know and be prepared to be guided and be advised by proper people. Image: X / EFF EFF leader Julius Malema on Thursday offered free advice to newly-appointed Higher Education Minister Buti Manamela and his sacked predecessor Nobuhle Nkabane. Responding to questions from journalists at a media briefing in Cape Town, Malema said Manamela should never trust the department's director-general (D-G) Nkosinathi Sishi, whom he described as 'the big problem' in the department. 'He is the one who misleads them. He worked with Blade (Nzimande) that D-G. Blade is disgruntled and bitter about his removal from higher education. He will do anything and everything to undermine whoever is in that institution,' he said. 'Buti must find a way to part ways with that D-G and bring a competent, qualified person who is not Blade Nzimande stooge, if he wants to succeed in that department,' he said. Malema gave the advice days after Manamela replaced Nkabane. Nkabane was axed amid the investigation by the Portfolio Committee on Higher Education into the now-cancelled appointment of chairperson for boards of Sector and Education Authorities (SETAs). She withdrew the appointments of chairpersons for the SETA boards following public outrage after the list of the appointments was leaked. The appointments had included ANC-aligned people that included former KwaZulu-Natal premier Nomusa Dube-Ncube and Buyambo Mantashe, son of ANC national chairperson and Minister of Minerals and Petroleum Resources Gwede Mantashe, among others. Nkabane had told the portfolio committee that an 'independent panel' had made recommendations on the appointment of board chairpersons. However, those she named to have served on 'the independent panel' denied involvement in the work of the panel apart from confirming the appointments to be panellists. Malema described Nkabane's sacking as 'so painful', adding that she was young and had the chance to come back. 'I have seen people demoted politically rework themselves and come back. The first thing she must do is stop chewing gum in a meeting,' Malema said. His reference to chewing gum related to a recent portfolio committee meeting where Nkabane was seen chewing something while being interrogated by MPs. 'She must be humble and know that she does not know and be prepared to be guided and be advised by proper people. Only a person who does not know how government works would have advised what she did.' Malema noted with concern that Nkabane had not used 'the second chance' given to her by the portfolio committee to explain the selection and recommendations made by the 'independent panel' on the appointment of SETA board chairpersons. 'She leaves the committee to go to a gender-based violence (event) of a TVET college when TVET colleges are a responsibility of a deputy minister. Someone from the streets is misleading her. She is listening to someone who has no idea what we deal with here (Parliament). There are certain things you don't do in Parliament. She should have known.' Malema also said Nkabane had not been collegial to 'the protection' in the form of her ANC colleague and committee chairperson, Tebogo Letsie. 'That was extremely girlish. She was not ready to be a minister. She must go to the branch and learn,' he said. [email protected]
The Citizen
14-07-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Here's why Ramaphosa didn't reshuffle his Cabinet last night
Experts weigh on why Ramaphosa decided to place Mchunu on special leave, and blue tick the Nkabane question While speculation was rife that Cyril Ramaphosa would announce a Cabinet reshuffle on Sunday, experts believe the president's hands may have been tied. Several ministers and deputy ministers have been implicated in controversial scandals over the last few months. On Sunday, Ramaphosa placed the Minister of Police, Senzo Mchunu, on special leave. However, he said little else about the future of Minister of Higher Education and Training, Nobuhle Nkabane, amid reports that she was prevented from travelling to China with a delegation led by Deputy President Paul Mashatile. The Director General in Nkabane's department was sent in her place. Nkabane has been embroiled in several blunders concerning the Sector Education and Training Authority (Seta) boards. Ramaphosa has also not filled the position of Deputy Minister for Trade, Industry, and Competition after he fired the DA MP Andrew Whitfield for going on an unapproved trip to the United States (U.S.). No need to reshuffle Political analyst Sanet Solomon told The Citizen on Monday that a wholesale Cabinet reshuffle may not be the most sensible thing for the President to do at this stage. 'An entire Cabinet reshuffle may not be needed at this point in time as continuity creates the perception of political stability for global markets,' said Solomon. But, she said, the president should consider firing his underperforming ministers and replacing them with more capable ones. 'This would not only improve governance but positively contribute towards this renewal agenda, which Ramaphosa has been advocating,' she said. Ramaphosa's leadership style in the spotlight Solomon said Ramaphosa has become known for being indecisive when faced with tough situations. However, she believes he has made the right decision to put Mchunu on special leave and ground Nkabene from travelling to China. 'His decision to put Mchunu on a leave of absence makes sense. It allows the investigation to proceed without interference, while allowing the Minister to retain his dignity. 'Ramaphosa's decision to prevent Nkabane from going to China is grounded given the controversy that surrounds her decision to appoint ANC-aligned individuals as chairpersons of Sector Education and Training Authorities (Setas),' she said. Prof Dirk Kotze told The Citizen that he believes that a Cabinet reshuffle will be an inconvenience to the GNU. 'I do not think there will be a general reshuffle because it will mean that he has to consult with the various GNU partners, and it will make no sense for him to do that. But the president should appoint a deputy minister of trade, industry, and competition. 'As far as the Minister of Higher Education is concerned, she is compromised, I think she will soon go,' he said. ALSO READ: Senzo Mchunu investigation will take longer to finalise, says Public Protector Is Ramaphosa protecting his comrades? Meanwhile, Kotze said he believes that Ramaphosa did not take strong action against Mchunu because he did not want to face criticism from within his own party. 'He did that so that they do not say he is vexatious and reactive. He has the reputation of being sympathetic towards the party in KwaZulu-Natal. 'KZN remains a very important province to the ANC, Ramaphosa is very careful when dealing with that province,' he said. Some opposition parties accused Ramaphosa of being lenient to ANC ministers to save his political career. But Kotze believes that Ramaphosa still runs the party. 'He is still strong, and I do not think that there is anyone who really threatens his position,' he said. The ANC's top seven is expected to meet on Monday to discuss the latest developments in Cabinet. NOW READ: DA brands Ramaphosa's decision to suspend Mchunu an illusion of reform'
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Global South Fights Back in Bogotá
The mass mobilisation of people against the genocide in the West has been critically important. So too has South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice, writes Imraan Buccus. Image: UN Photo/ICJ-CIJ/Frank van Beek Imraan Buccus The decision by the United States to sanction Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, is a direct attack on international law and multilateralism. The world is in a perilous place. The ongoing genocide in Gaza, as well as recent unlawful military strikes on Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran, are a profound threat to peace, justice, and the integrity of international law. In this context, some of those who have taken a stand for international law have, like Albanese, faced intense pressure. But the tide is now clearly turning. The mass mobilisation of people against the genocide in the West has been critically important. So too has South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice. It was met with widespread international acclaim by progressive forces across the world and many governments in the Global South — but also considerable hostility from the United States. After months of threatening talk, punitive tariffs have now been imposed on South Africa by the US home, South Africa's position at the ICJ has won wide support from within society, including popular organisations outside of the ANC like NUMSA, Abahlali baseMjondolo, and SAFTU, as well as the ANC-aligned trade union federation COSATU. The ANC's support is in steep decline at the polls, but its principled position on Palestine places it in tune with the sentiments of the vast majority of South Israel and the United States have received vociferous support from a small but strident white-dominated pro-Western lobby at home. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ That lobby has attempted to isolate and smear those who have stood up for justice. There have been character assassinations of a number of decent people, and considerable peddling of conspiracy theories, such as the entirely un-evidenced claim that Iran bribed the ANC to take Israel to the ICJ. With growing pressure abroad and an aggressive pro-West lobby at home, South Africa needed a smart and effective diplomatic strategy to ensure that it could hold the line on its principles without being isolated. In January, South Africa convened the first meeting of what is now called the Hague Group — a new bloc of states committed to the defence of international law. That meeting brought together nine countries from across the Global South, including Asia, Africa, and Latin America, that share a deep concern about what is now widely termed the genocide in Gaza. One of the most important immediate consequences of South Africa's ICJ action has been the widespread uptake of the term 'genocide' to describe what is happening in Gaza. For months, this word was taboo in diplomatic settings. Now, it is shaping how states and publics frame the conflict. That linguistic shift marks an increasingly effective challenge to the Western domination of the moral and legal Colombia and South Africa are co-convening the next high-level meeting of the Hague Group in Bogotá on 15–16 July. This is a major diplomatic coup for both countries. Colombia, under the leadership of Gustavo Petro, is home to one of the most progressive governments in the world. Together, these two countries are building a new axis of international cooperation, rooted in justice, legality, and human rights. The countries that have already confirmed participation in the meeting in Bogotá include: Algeria, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Chile, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Honduras, Indonesia, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia, Namibia, Nicaragua, Oman, Portugal, Qatar, Serbia, Spain, Türkiye, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Uruguay, and Palestine. More countries are currently discussing participation. The Hague Group is not simply reacting to the crisis in Gaza. It is attempting to build the institutional foundations for an enduring Global South capacity to intervene in multilateral processes. It is the crowning achievement of what has been an extraordinarily successful diplomatic strategy by South Africa. While our country is confronting serious domestic challenges — unemployment, mass impoverishment, crime, and out-of-control corruption — its stance in the international sphere has shown that a principled foreign policy, rooted in the traditions of the anti-apartheid struggle, still has the power to resonate globally and to win global support. As Ronnie Kasrils recently argued, the Hague Group carries the spirit of Bandung into the 21st century. In 1955, leaders of newly independent Asian and African nations gathered in Indonesia to affirm their commitment to sovereignty, non-alignment, and cooperation outside the Cold War binary. That historic conference laid the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement. From the 1960s onwards, newly independent states sought to use the UN system to push for economic redistribution, anti-colonial enforcement, and disarmament. That effort was eventually thwarted by Western powers. But the memory of that unfinished project remains—and informs this new the end of the Cold War, the moral and legal authority of the international system set up after World War II has been held hostage by a small group of powerful states. The Hague Group insists that international law must apply consistently—to all countries, regardless of their power. It is this insistence that rattles Washington and its allies. The same international legal system that was brazenly ignored by the West during the invasions of Iraq, Libya and the bombing of Yugoslavia is now being invoked by the Global South to demand accountability and role in this process should not be underestimated. Once a key ally of US regional strategy in Latin America, Colombia has undergone a dramatic realignment under President Gustavo Petro. As I wrote in the Mail & Guardian earlier this year, Petro's government, which brought together students, workers, environmentalists, and Indigenous communities, is one of the most progressive in the world today. It has been outspoken in its support for Palestinian rights, regional peace, and climate justice. By co-convening the Bogotá meeting, Colombia is placing itself firmly in the camp of internationalist, law-based diplomacy. This marks a departure not only from past governments, but from the cynical realism that still defines so much of Hague Group's credibility also rests on the fact that it is not just the product of elite diplomacy. In South Africa, Colombia, and many other countries that are participating in the meeting in Bogotá, there is tremendous popular support for Palestine. This alignment between state policy and popular movements is rare—and it gives the group an authenticity that cannot be dismissed as political posturing. Moreover, the Hague Group has been warmly received by many Palestinian organisations, who see it as a rare and concrete gesture of solidarity in an era of global abandonment. Inevitably, the Arab states that have 'normalised' ties with Israel have been conspicuously silent, but others—like Iraq, Lebanon, and Qatar—have chosen to engage. Taking this stance is not without risk. Countries that challenge the West's narrative have faced the threat of aid withdrawal, diplomatic isolation, and investment flight. South Africa, Colombia, and many other countries that are taking a stand in support of international law and justice have pro-West blocs at home that do all they can to escalate the sense that standing up for principle is risky.
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Global South Fights Back in Bogotá
The mass mobilisation of people against the genocide in the West has been critically important. So too has South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice, writes Imraan Buccus. Image: UN Photo/ICJ-CIJ/Frank van Beek Imraan Buccus The decision by the United States to sanction Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, is a direct attack on international law and multilateralism. The world is in a perilous place. The ongoing genocide in Gaza, as well as recent unlawful military strikes on Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran, are a profound threat to peace, justice, and the integrity of international law. In this context, some of those who have taken a stand for international law have, like Albanese, faced intense pressure. But the tide is now clearly turning. The mass mobilisation of people against the genocide in the West has been critically important. So too has South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice. It was met with widespread international acclaim by progressive forces across the world and many governments in the Global South — but also considerable hostility from the United States. After months of threatening talk, punitive tariffs have now been imposed on South Africa by the US home, South Africa's position at the ICJ has won wide support from within society, including popular organisations outside of the ANC like NUMSA, Abahlali baseMjondolo, and SAFTU, as well as the ANC-aligned trade union federation COSATU. The ANC's support is in steep decline at the polls, but its principled position on Palestine places it in tune with the sentiments of the vast majority of South Israel and the United States have received vociferous support from a small but strident white-dominated pro-Western lobby at home. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ That lobby has attempted to isolate and smear those who have stood up for justice. There have been character assassinations of a number of decent people, and considerable peddling of conspiracy theories, such as the entirely un-evidenced claim that Iran bribed the ANC to take Israel to the ICJ. With growing pressure abroad and an aggressive pro-West lobby at home, South Africa needed a smart and effective diplomatic strategy to ensure that it could hold the line on its principles without being isolated. In January, South Africa convened the first meeting of what is now called the Hague Group — a new bloc of states committed to the defence of international law. That meeting brought together nine countries from across the Global South, including Asia, Africa, and Latin America, that share a deep concern about what is now widely termed the genocide in Gaza. One of the most important immediate consequences of South Africa's ICJ action has been the widespread uptake of the term 'genocide' to describe what is happening in Gaza. For months, this word was taboo in diplomatic settings. Now, it is shaping how states and publics frame the conflict. That linguistic shift marks an increasingly effective challenge to the Western domination of the moral and legal Colombia and South Africa are co-convening the next high-level meeting of the Hague Group in Bogotá on 15–16 July. This is a major diplomatic coup for both countries. Colombia, under the leadership of Gustavo Petro, is home to one of the most progressive governments in the world. Together, these two countries are building a new axis of international cooperation, rooted in justice, legality, and human rights. The countries that have already confirmed participation in the meeting in Bogotá include: Algeria, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Chile, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Honduras, Indonesia, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia, Namibia, Nicaragua, Oman, Portugal, Qatar, Serbia, Spain, Türkiye, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Uruguay, and Palestine. More countries are currently discussing participation. The Hague Group is not simply reacting to the crisis in Gaza. It is attempting to build the institutional foundations for an enduring Global South capacity to intervene in multilateral processes. It is the crowning achievement of what has been an extraordinarily successful diplomatic strategy by South Africa. While our country is confronting serious domestic challenges — unemployment, mass impoverishment, crime, and out-of-control corruption — its stance in the international sphere has shown that a principled foreign policy, rooted in the traditions of the anti-apartheid struggle, still has the power to resonate globally and to win global support. As Ronnie Kasrils recently argued, the Hague Group carries the spirit of Bandung into the 21st century. In 1955, leaders of newly independent Asian and African nations gathered in Indonesia to affirm their commitment to sovereignty, non-alignment, and cooperation outside the Cold War binary. That historic conference laid the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement. From the 1960s onwards, newly independent states sought to use the UN system to push for economic redistribution, anti-colonial enforcement, and disarmament. That effort was eventually thwarted by Western powers. But the memory of that unfinished project remains—and informs this new the end of the Cold War, the moral and legal authority of the international system set up after World War II has been held hostage by a small group of powerful states. The Hague Group insists that international law must apply consistently—to all countries, regardless of their power. It is this insistence that rattles Washington and its allies. The same international legal system that was brazenly ignored by the West during the invasions of Iraq, Libya and the bombing of Yugoslavia is now being invoked by the Global South to demand accountability and role in this process should not be underestimated. Once a key ally of US regional strategy in Latin America, Colombia has undergone a dramatic realignment under President Gustavo Petro. As I wrote in the Mail & Guardian earlier this year, Petro's government, which brought together students, workers, environmentalists, and Indigenous communities, is one of the most progressive in the world today. It has been outspoken in its support for Palestinian rights, regional peace, and climate justice. By co-convening the Bogotá meeting, Colombia is placing itself firmly in the camp of internationalist, law-based diplomacy. This marks a departure not only from past governments, but from the cynical realism that still defines so much of Hague Group's credibility also rests on the fact that it is not just the product of elite diplomacy. In South Africa, Colombia, and many other countries that are participating in the meeting in Bogotá, there is tremendous popular support for Palestine. This alignment between state policy and popular movements is rare—and it gives the group an authenticity that cannot be dismissed as political posturing. Moreover, the Hague Group has been warmly received by many Palestinian organisations, who see it as a rare and concrete gesture of solidarity in an era of global abandonment. Inevitably, the Arab states that have 'normalised' ties with Israel have been conspicuously silent, but others—like Iraq, Lebanon, and Qatar—have chosen to engage. Taking this stance is not without risk. Countries that challenge the West's narrative have faced the threat of aid withdrawal, diplomatic isolation, and investment flight. South Africa, Colombia, and many other countries that are taking a stand in support of international law and justice have pro-West blocs at home that do all they can to escalate the sense that standing up for principle is risky.
