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IOL News
9 hours ago
- Business
- IOL News
GNU's Fragile Unity: Israel and the Ideological Crisis Within SA's Ruling Coalition
A child waits with others to receive food at a distribution point in Nuseirat, central Gaza Strip, June 2, 2025. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence, says the writer. Image: Eyad BABA / AFP Clyde N.S. Ramalaine Since the 2024 national elections, South Africa has been governed by a new coalition misleadingly branded as a Government of National Unity (GNU). This alliance, led by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), excludes major opposition parties like uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) while it accommodates much smaller parties like the PA. Despite its name, the coalition resembles a Grand Coalition formed out of electoral necessity, and political machinations, not ideological consensus. This dissonance is increasingly visible in policy disputes, most glaringly in the lack of a unified foreign policy, especially on South Africa's stance toward Israel. While the term 'GNU' is repeatedly invoked by the state and its coalition members, some of us have persistently argued that it inaccurately describes the coalition's identity and structure. The 7th Administration, inaugurated in June 2024, has already faced serious internal tensions: National Budget : The DA and Freedom Front Plus (FF+) voted against it, exposing fiscal division. BELA Bill : The DA challenged President Ramaphosa's assent to the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill through legal action. Expropriation and NHI Bills : The DA declared formal disputes, accusing the ANC of violating coalition commitments. Internal Trust : The ANC has been accused of unilateralism, particularly after Ramaphosa claimed the ANC remained ' in charge ' despite lacking a majority. Cabinet Disputes : The DA initially rejected the six ministerial positions offered, demanding greater power. Policy Vacuum : The coalition lacks a coherent agenda, with criticism that economic and industrial interests are prioritised over urgent social needs. While each of these tensions merits attention worth unpacking, this article focuses on the coalition's failure to articulate a coherent foreign policy, with particular attention to the South African state's position on Israel. The ICJ case against Israel, alleging genocide in Gaza, was initiated under the ANC-led sixth administration before the coalition's formal establishment. However, its continuation under the 7th Administration places shared accountability on all coalition partners. The critical question: Can these parties, having entered into government, reasonably distance themselves from state actions on the international stage? Can coalition members simultaneously maintain pro-Israel positions while serving in a government prosecuting Israel for genocide? These contradictions expose not just fragility within the coalition but a deeper ideological incoherence. This has implications for both domestic accountability and South Africa's credibility on the world stage. A closer look at the DA and Patriotic Alliance (PA), two vocal coalition partners, reveals shared support for Israel. Often painted as ideological rivals, both parties converge in their staunch backing of Israel, underpinned by different but overlapping motivations. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The DA frames its support through a purported liberal-democratic lens, casting Israel as a fellow constitutional democracy. It has routinely criticised the ANC's pro-Palestinian stance as biased, reaffirming Israel's right to security and sovereignty. This position is echoed by party leaders and in parliamentary debates, often aligning with mainstream pro-Israel rhetoric. The PA's support is more overtly religious, grounded in its alignment with Coloured Pentecostal and Charismatic communities. The party has sent several delegations to Israel, praising its economic and security frameworks. This pro-Israel stance is not incidental; it reflects both ideological affinity and, arguably, strategic political alignment. Though unproven, allegations persist that both parties receive support from Israeli-linked institutions. Regardless of their accuracy, the frequency and visibility of DA and PA engagements with Israel, amid a state-led genocide case against that very country, raise at least three critical questions. 1. Can coalition partners conduct parallel diplomacy that contradicts official policy? Parallel diplomacy by coalition members, especially when it directly opposes formal state positions, raises serious constitutional and political challenges. It undermines South Africa's diplomatic identity, weakens international trust, and confuses global partners about who represents the state. While ideological diversity is inherent to coalition governance, the lack of a binding foreign policy framework risks turning pluralism into instability. 2. Does public support for Israel breach collective governance and cabinet responsibility? In parliamentary systems, coalition members with executive roles are bound by collective governance and cabinet responsibility. Public dissent, especially on significant matters such as the ICJ case, can erode cabinet cohesion and undermine state credibility. Yet, the current coalition lacks a transparent agreement that clarifies such responsibilities. Without a formalised framework, parties like the DA and PA may argue their actions fall within party autonomy, especially if they do not control foreign affairs portfolios. 3. What does this reveal about South Africa's foreign policy credibility under the so-called GNU? The contradictory positions of coalition partners on Israel reflect a broader governance crisis. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence. Without a clear, binding coalition framework, foreign policy risks becoming a terrain of partisan expression rather than a reflection of national interest. The ANC's long-standing solidarity with Palestine, rooted in anti-colonial struggle, clashes with the DA and PA's pro-Israel stances. This ideological disconnect renders key diplomatic positions vulnerable to internal sabotage or ambiguity, weakening South Africa's moral clarity and domestic trust in the state's international engagements. The invocation of 'national unity' masks what is, in reality, a fragile arrangement between actors with divergent worldviews. The absence of a formal coalition agreement available to the public deepens concerns about the ad hoc nature of governance. Foreign policy, like other key domains, appears to be negotiable rather than principled. The Israel question thus becomes a prism for understanding deeper contradictions within South Africa's coalition government. Until the 7th Administration resolves these ideological fractures, it remains a government of convenience, not unity. The claim of national consensus is untenable when major foreign policy initiatives are undermined by internal dissent. Conversely, it can be argued that parties like the DA and PA have every constitutional right to maintain independent foreign policy positions. The coalition was not founded on ideological unity or a detailed agreement binding all members to specific international stances. The Grand Coalition 'GNU', born of electoral arithmetic and political sophistication rather than shared vision, does not require unanimity on all matters.
Eyewitness News
3 days ago
- Politics
- Eyewitness News
Why South Africans of all races must reject being weaponised in America's culture wars
Judith February 30 May 2025 | 12:33 Donald Trump Cyril Ramaphosa United States (US) President Cyril Ramaphosa arrives at the White House in Washington, United States, to meet his counterpart President Donald Trump over resetting the two countries' bilateral ties. Picture: AFP If a two-term Trump presidency is the backlash to eight years of an urbane, intelligent black man in the White House, then AfriForum's lies about our country could count as the backlash to 31 years of post-apartheid democracy, a sense for this grouping of white people that they have lost their place and voice in the "new" South Africa. This is coupled with a deep dissatisfaction with the ANC-led government (even though they are not alone in this) - if one were to keep it dangerously both instances, so much hate, fear and loathing have been outcome was the vitriol spewed in the Oval Office last theories and disinformation have bubbled from below the surface and gained legitimacy in the most powerful corridor in the President Ramaphosa sat next to President Trump in the almost Rococo-like newly-gilded Oval Office (in every way a shallow reflection of Trump himself) while he dimmed the lights to play footage on a big screen allegedly representing "genocide" in South Africa, Trump was conjuring up the very heart of darkness with blacks as savages and whites their horror! The horror!It was all so plainly awful; a white bully schooling a black leader about racism. But this is how power and its supporting structures work. Seeing it play out so crudely was astounding even by Trump's standards. By now, the dust has settled. Thursday morning was somewhat bleak, however. The world felt a little more unhinged and rational people were surely more depressed than usual about the state of the world.A madman (also deeply corrupt) occupies the White House, exercising power at a whim. Those around him enable his madness through their silence or by actively egging him on, their most base natures revealed. Every dictator has henchmen (and women) acting as inhabit a world in which might is right (and white) and in which cruelty is worn like a badge of honour. It is also a world steeped in religiosity. When the Oval Office theatre (literally and figuratively) was over, Susie Wiles, White House chief of staff, shot a look at Karoline Leavitt, White House press secretary, as if to say, "Job done". Leavitt is never seen without a crucifix around her neck as she lies unstintingly for a lying religion is a performance in this White House."We have brought Jesus back!" the bigots say. Jesus has now become cover for every racist, bullying lie spewed by Trump, his corrupt acolytes and sympathisers around the the whole macabre scene was wrong, but here we Elon Musk stand by having orchestrated much of the disinformation, it was hard not to be emotive because… "what about!?"What about ordinary South Africans? What about all the good things we know to be true about our country, its resilience and the things we do well?As we South Africans also know too well, context is everything. So, as Trump spewed forth acontextually, he reduced us to caricature. But that is all the populist knows. Multi-dimensionalism fits awkwardly into tropes about countries or many South Africans silently and not-so-silently cheered as Trump tried to "school" Ramaphosa. It would work if Trump had any moral authority to do so, but he is a man who has, as Hillary Clinton has said, left America "feeble and friendless". Many Americans understand fully what a danger he is to democracy as he tears down the guardrails of democracy the South Africans applauding Trump were of all colours; black people, among them the Zumarites, who believed Ramaphosa should not be "kissing the ring" or bowing to monopoly capital, who do not agree with the GNU as currently constituted. Then there were others, amongst them some white people, who wanted Ramaphosa to be embarrassed and who believe they have been the sole victims of the ANC's governance failures and this was a chance for the world to hear then there were many more South Africans of all hues who were flabbergasted at the home, certain media outlets led with "we must do more about crime!" Of course, we must. Our country has many serious challenges and Ramaphosa has often been insipid, bowing to the party ahead of the country. His tenure has been fraught, to say the least. That is well-documented and spoken about daily in our cacophanous democracy. Those of us who live here also know that crime has spiralled out of all control and this has not happened overnight. The latest murder rate in South Africa is frightening. But, the sad reality is that white people are not specific targets of crime (leaving aside the absurdity of claiming "genocide") - we all are. And if you are black and poor, you are far more likely to experience violence in many forms, including the violence of poverty and marginalisation, the latter often at the hands of the very state charged with protecting Michael Komape's father, amongst others. We understand, too, that the latest unemployment statistics are tragic and pose a danger to our future stability. South Africa's unemployment rate remains tragically high at 32.9%. The expanded rate is even higher at 43.1%. Among black Africans, it is 37%, higher than the national average and other population are the facts, so to hear Kallie Kriel being referred to on Sky News as the leader of a "civil rights movement" is a shameful rewriting of the South African have, after all, all been let down by the ANC, serious mistakes have been made, crime is a huge challenge for everyone, as are the triple threats of poverty, unemployment and inequality. We don't need Trump to lecture us about any of this. What we do need is an honest rendering of our challenges and a fact-based one. (We could also wish for good faith, but that would require decency, which Trump lacks).We need to fix much in our beleaguered country, but we should do that because we understand the injustice of poverty and inequality and the effects of it on us all. We should do that because that is what our Constitution requires of problem is that we cannot go to Washington and start airing our own dirty laundry, nor can we expect Trump to "fix" whatever problems we have. He cares naught for South Africa. To him, last week was just another day, another those headlines were missing the point. What happened in the Oval Office was not normal. It is worth saying that over and over again. Judith February is Freedom Under Law's executive officer.
The Citizen
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Citizen
‘I want to be with the people': Limpopo mayor resigns
Many in the ANC suspected that Mangena might have felt frustrated by ANC politics of slates Former Greater Tzaneen local municipality mayor Maripe Mangena has resigned. Mangena, who was a PR councillor representing the municipality at the Mopani district municipality in Limpopo, tendered his resignation this week. The resignation letter was noted by the ANC-led council during a council sitting at the municipal chamber on Thursday. His resignation comes after the current Mopani district municipality mayor, Pule Shayi, snubbed him during his appointment of councillors three and a half years ago. Shayi won the Norman Mashabane ANC regional elective conference a fortnight ago. Mangena did not endorse Shayi at the conference. He instead supported another slate, which was opposed to Shayi's candidature for a third term. Tension Many in the ANC suspected that Mangena might have felt frustrated by ANC politics of slates, which he was allegedly opposed to. 'We are not all President Cyril Ramaphosa. Ramaphosa forgave former Limpopo Premier Stan Mathabatha for betraying him at the 55th ANC national elective conference on 19 December 2022. 'When many called for Mathabatha's axing, the president did not act. Instead, he continued to give him [Mathabatha] a second chance to finish his term. 'Matamela [Cyril] went on to appoint Mathabatha as Deputy Minister for Land Reform and Rural Development under his Cabinet in 2024. It must be a lesson to every politician in South Africa that no leader wants to hunt with another man's dogs. 'For sure, Mangena felt he could not continue working with a man he differed with politically for the next three years. The same goes for Shayi, he may not have been comfortable working with a man who continued showing him the middle finger,' said a municipal employee at the Mopani district municipality, who asked to speak on condition of anonymity as he was not authorised to speak with the media on the matter. Shayi was not available for comment as he was allegedly in a meeting. ALSO READ: Third Term' slate shines at Limpopo ANC elective conference 'I want to be with the people' While Mangena told The Citizen that his resignation had not yet been processed, municipal spokesperson Neville Ndlala said the resignation was noted and accepted by council on Thursday. ANC regional spokesperson Peter Ngobeni, quoted Mangena as saying: 'I want to be with the people in their daily struggles and to freely be part of their efforts for the improvement of their lives' NOW READ: Mopani water crisis sparks control call from Tzaneen mayor
The Citizen
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Citizen
'Ramaphosa violating Genocide Convention on'Kill the Boer'
Ramaphosa said that 'Kill The Boer' is a 'liberation chant' and should not be taken literally. Lobby group AfriForum claims that President Cyril Ramaphosa's 'refusal' to condemn the chant 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer' reflects double standards. Ramaphosa on Tuesday said that 'Kill The Boer' is a 'liberation chant' and should not be taken literally. It came a week after US President Donald Trump confronted the South African president by playing videos of EFF leader Julius Malema chanting 'Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer,' using them to support his unfounded claim of genocide against whites in South Africa. In response, AfriForum argued that the ANC-led government's defence of the slogan, while passing judgment on similar rhetoric elsewhere in the world, highlighted inconsistencies in its interpretation of the United Nations' Genocide Convention. 'Double standards' The lobby group based its statement on evidence presented by Advocate Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, a member of South Africa's legal team, who led the genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in January 2024. 'Ngcukaitobi argued that 'the intentional failure of the government of Israel to condemn, prevent and punish such genocidal incitement constitutes in itself a grave violation of the Genocide Convention,'' the lobby group said. 'Ngcukaitobi further argued that 'this failure to condemn, prevent and punish such speech by the government has served to normalise genocidal rhetoric' and has posed 'extreme danger for Palestinians within Israeli society,'' AfriForum said. AfriForum CEO Kallie Kriel described this as a case of 'double standard'. 'The ANC-led government's defence of the 'Kill the Boer' slogan, while passing judgment about similar calls elsewhere in the world as an intent to commit genocide, is evidence of double standards in their interpretation of the Genocide Convention. Kriel pointed out that 'farm murder deniers' are trying 'very hard to downplay the serious nature of farm murders' after Trump's meeting with Ramaphosa. 'AfriForum has always focused on the serious nature of farm murders rather than engaging in semantic debates about the term 'genocide' but believes it has now become necessary to test the actions of Ramaphosa's government against their own standards regarding the meaning of genocide'. ALSO READ: Piers Morgan slams Ramaphosa for defending 'Kill the Boer' chant [VIDEO] AfriForum defeat In March, AfriForum suffered a final blow in its attempt to have the controversial chant 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer' declared as hate speech. The Constitutional Court (ConCourt) delivered a brief ruling dismissing AfriForum's application for leave to appeal. The Apex concluded that the application 'bears no reasonable prospects of success'. ALSO READ: WATCH: 'Dim the lights' — Ramaphosa pokes fun at Trump meeting
IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
ANC caucus supports DA-led budget in uMngeni Municipality
The ANC is an official opposition party in the council it had previously controlled since the inception of local government, until 2021 when the DA took control of the municipality. In a surprise move, the ANC caucus in the DA-led Umngeni Local Municipality in the KwaZulu-Natal midlands, voted for the budget which many believed was an endorsement of the DA local government plan ahead of next year's elections. The R674.4 million budget was tabled by Mayor Chris Pappas and was passed by all parties on Wednesday. The DA has been hailing its municipalities, including uMngeni, as the beacon of hope and shining examples of what a good governance looks like, particularly in KwaZulu-Natal where many municipalities have been flagged for poor financial management by the Auditor-General's report. UMngeni is one of the few best performing municipalities in the province. This year, the municipality received its third consecutive unqualified audit outcome. Despite seemingly working well under the Government of Provincial Unity, the DA and the ANC are at each other's throats in the local government sphere, particularly in eThekwini. The DA has rarely voted for a budget in the ANC-led municipalities in the province. In defending the ANC's decision, party whip Thulani Weza said his caucus supported the budget because the DA had enough consultation with opposition parties and their input was incorporated in the budget, however, he said the ANC will monitor the implementation of the promises in the budget.
