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Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests
Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests

Hamilton Spectator

time23-05-2025

  • Business
  • Hamilton Spectator

Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests

OTTAWA—The federal government's approval rating has hit its highest levels since the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, reaching numbers just shy of what former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau posted after his 2015 majority victory, a new poll suggests. Fresh numbers from Abacus Data show that 50 per cent of Canadians approve of Mark Carney's Liberals, a number double the approval ratings pulled in by the government during the final months of Trudeau's tenure. The approval rating following Carney's victory — which was two seats short of a majority — is comparable to the 51 per cent Trudeau boasted in the month following his 2015 majority win, and greater than 43 per cent recorded by former prime minister Stephen Harper after his own majority triumph in 2011. (The highest approval ratings for the Trudeau Liberals occurred two months into the pandemic, reaching 58 per cent in May 2020). The numbers, shared exclusively with the Star, come from the latest survey from Abacus Data, which was conducted with 2,273 Canadian adults from May 15 to 21. Because respondents were surveyed online, the poll cannot be considered truly random. A comparable random sample of the same size would have a margin of error of plus or minus 2.05 percentage points, 19 times out of 20. The survey findings also show that 24 per cent of Canadians currently disapprove of the Carney government, and — despite the absence of an election call anywhere on the horizon — the Liberals have not experienced a postelection bump when it comes to voting intentions. If an election were held now, both the Liberals and Pierre Poilievre's Conservatives would be virtually tied at 41 per cent and 40 per cent respectively, figures comparable to polling data released near the end of this year's campaign. But it is the issues, not voter strategy, that is currently dominating the political agenda as MPs prepare to return to the House of Commons for the first time since December. Government officials are also turning toward next month's G7 summit in Alberta, which U.S. President Trump will officially attend, the White House confirmed on Thursday. Later that day, Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne wrapped up a meeting of his G7 counterparts and central bankers in Banff, Alta., noting in a news release that the gathering produced 'a frank exchange on the global economy, unsustainable global imbalances, and ways to promote growth and productivity.' The latest Abacus Data survey showed that cost-of-living concerns and the threats posed by Trump and his administration are the top two issues seizing Canadians, while the Canadian economy more broadly and housing affordability and accessibility were the next most prominent issues. Thirty-three per cent of Canadians cited health care as one of their top three issues, followed by 25 per cent for immigration. But Canadians are split on which party is best suited to tackle each problem, with 41 per cent of respondents believing the Conservatives would handle cost-of-living woes best, compared to 30 per cent for the Liberals. Sixty-five per cent of respondents, meanwhile, believe the Liberals are the strongest party to face off against the Trump administration, with 17 per cent of respondents endorsing the Conservatives on that issue. The Conservatives also lead on the economy, housing affordability, immigration, unemployment and crime, while the Liberals were deemed the best party to address health care, climate change, and threats posed by China and Russia. The New Democrats, which posted their worst-ever election result last month, were nevertheless considered best-placed to deal with inequality and poverty in Canada.

Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests
Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests

Toronto Star

time23-05-2025

  • Business
  • Toronto Star

Liberals' approval rating hits a high last seen during the first days of COVID, poll suggests

OTTAWA—The federal government's approval rating has hit its highest levels since the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, reaching numbers just shy of what former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau posted after his 2015 majority victory, a new poll suggests. Fresh numbers from Abacus Data show that 50 per cent of Canadians approve of Mark Carney's Liberals, a number double the approval ratings pulled in by the government during the final months of Trudeau's tenure.

What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future
What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future

Yahoo

time20-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future

Canada's recent federal election suggests a growing gender divide in political preferences. Polling indicated women voters leaned strongly toward the Liberals, while an increasing number of men — particularly younger men — gravitated toward the Conservatives. This polarization was not simply a matter of partisan preference, but reflected deeper social, cultural and economic realignments rooted in identity politics and diverging values. The gender gap also mirrors patterns across western democracies, where far-right populist parties increasingly draw male support through nationalist, anti-immigration and anti-feminist narratives, while women — especially racialized and university-educated — opt for progressive parties promoting equality and social protection. Read more: While official voting records by gender are not available, several public opinion polls heading into the election indicated gender was a key predictor of party support. Abacus Data found that women's early preferences were nearly evenly split — 31 per cent for the Liberals and 32 per cent for the Conservatives. But as the campaign progressed, Liberal support among women rose steadily by two to three points per week, reaching 35 per cent by April 8, while support for the Conservatives fell to 30 per cent. This pattern was echoed by an EKOS Politics analysis, which described the 2025 election as defined by a 'massive gender divide' — women supported the Liberal Party by a 25-point margin, while the Conservatives held a slight lead among men, especially those under 50. Findings from Angus Reid further underscored this divide. Among men, support was closely split, with the Conservatives holding a slight lead over the Liberals (44 per cent to 42 per cent). Among women, however, the Liberals enjoyed a commanding lead, with 51 per cent support compared to 32 per cent for the Conservatives. Together, these three polls suggest a growing gender gap in Canadian politics — one that shaped party support throughout the election campaign. The New Democratic Party, meanwhile — once positioned as a progressive bridge between working-class voters and social justice movements — struggled to attract voters as it had in previous elections. The NDP's waning influence in the 2025 election highlights the erosion of class-based solidarity, which has seemingly been supplanted by identity politics. This gender gap was not just about party preference — it reflected deeper ideological divides shaped by cultural values, policy priorities and gender identities. Research into voting patterns in Canada over the past two decades found that Canadian women are more likely to support social welfare, state intervention and wealth redistribution — driven not by self-interest, but by values of equity and collective responsibility. These preferences are shaped not only by gender, but also by age, race, class, religion and gender identities. The research highlighted a growing feminist consciousness and suggested that evolving understandings of identity, especially among younger women, have strengthened support for progressive platforms. Voting preferences in the 2025 Canadian election reflected these patterns. Rising geopolitical tensions — fuelled by punitive American tariffs on Canadian goods and United States President Donald Trump's threats to annex Canada — stirred national anxiety and shaped voter priorities. At the same time, the American rollback of reproductive rights and attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion policies raised alarm among women worldwide, reinforcing concerns about gender equity and human rights. That meant that how the Conservative and Liberal party leaders articulated their stances on these issues played a crucial role in shaping voter preferences. The Conservative Party emphasized economic policies such as tax cuts and reducing government spending. The party also tapped into cultural frustrations by opposing 'woke' ideologies and promoting traditional values. This dual approach sought to resonate with voters alienated by progressive norms, particularly younger men who have felt marginalized by the housing crisis, insecure job markets and shifting cultural expectations around gender roles. Read more: In contrast, the Liberal platform emphasized defending Canadian sovereignty, promoting national unity, expanding housing affordability, addressing climate change and advancing economic measures for the middle class — policies that seemingly resonated more with women voters, particularly those prioritizing social programs and long-term social stability. Although reproductive rights were not a central issue in Canada's 2025 campaign, the erosion of those rights in the U.S. cast a shadow north of the border. The Liberal Party pledged to make its Sexual and Reproductive Health Fund permanent and to introduce a new IVF program offering up to $20,000 per cycle — measures aimed at improving access, especially for 2SLGBTQI+ Canadians. The Conservative platform emphasized support for universal health care but made no mention of reproductive health. As a result, many women may have viewed the Liberals as stronger defenders of both reproductive rights and Canadian sovereignty. The 2025 election did more than reveal a partisan split; it exposed fundamentally different visions of Canada's future between men and women. Gender divides in politics often mirror divisions in online discourse. Social media platforms tend to reinforce gendered political identities, with men more likely to be drawn into algorithm-driven spaces that amplify anti-establishment and masculinist narratives. Following the U.S. presidential election in 2024, The Guardian noted how social media algorithms feed their users content that's aligned with the preferences of similar users, deepening ideological silos. American podcaster Joe Rogan exemplifies this dynamic — his show consistently tops charts in the U.S., Australia, the U.K. and Canada, but with an audience that's more than 80 per cent male. These digital bubbles not only reflect polarization — they entrench it, merging political and online identities in ways that make cross-cutting dialogue harder to achieve. This divide affects more than politics. It's reshaping personal relationships. As political identity becomes central to personal values, dating and marriage across ideological lines have become more difficult. According to the American Survey Center, these political divisions are even preventing young people from building meaningful relationships. Similarly, the Atlantic reports that nearly two-thirds of liberal and conservative singles are likely to reject a potential partner who does not share their political beliefs. In this climate, political compatibility is becoming a prerequisite for long-term commitment, rather than a negotiable difference. Addressing this fragmentation requires building narratives that transcend identity silos and foster common ground, both online and offline. It's essential for democratic resilience and for sustaining meaningful human connection. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organisation bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Marshia Akbar, Toronto Metropolitan University Read more: Mark Carney's cabinet: A course correction on gender, but there's more work ahead The attack on public broadcasting is part of a growing threat to press freedom and democracy The King's speech: The world will be watching when Charles opens Canada's Parliament Marshia Akbar receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future
What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future

Canada Standard

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Canada Standard

What the voter gender divide means for Canada's political future

Canada's recent federal election suggests a growing gender divide in political preferences. Polling indicated women voters leaned strongly toward the Liberals, while an increasing number of men - particularly younger men - gravitated toward the Conservatives. This polarization was not simply a matter of partisan preference, but reflected deeper social, cultural and economic realignments rooted in identity politics and diverging values. The gender gap also mirrors patterns across western democracies, where far-right populist parties increasingly draw male support through nationalist, anti-immigration and anti-feminist narratives, while women - especially racialized and university-educated - opt for progressive parties promoting equality and social protection. Read more: Pierre Poilievre's 'More Boots, Less Suits' election strategy held little appeal to women While official voting records by gender are not available, several public opinion polls heading into the election indicated gender was a key predictor of party support. Abacus Data found that women's early preferences were nearly evenly split - 31 per cent for the Liberals and 32 per cent for the Conservatives. But as the campaign progressed, Liberal support among women rose steadily by two to three points per week, reaching 35 per cent by April 8, while support for the Conservatives fell to 30 per cent. This pattern was echoed by an EKOS Politics analysis, which described the 2025 election as defined by a "massive gender divide" - women supported the Liberal Party by a 25-point margin, while the Conservatives held a slight lead among men, especially those under 50. Findings from Angus Reid further underscored this divide. Among men, support was closely split, with the Conservatives holding a slight lead over the Liberals (44 per cent to 42 per cent). Among women, however, the Liberals enjoyed a commanding lead, with 51 per cent support compared to 32 per cent for the Conservatives. Together, these three polls suggest a growing gender gap in Canadian politics - one that shaped party support throughout the election campaign. The New Democratic Party, meanwhile - once positioned as a progressive bridge between working-class voters and social justice movements - struggled to attract voters as it had in previous elections. The NDP's waning influence in the 2025 election highlights the erosion of class-based solidarity, which has seemingly been supplanted by identity politics. This gender gap was not just about party preference - it reflected deeper ideological divides shaped by cultural values, policy priorities and gender identities. Research into voting patterns in Canada over the past two decades found that Canadian women are more likely to support social welfare, state intervention and wealth redistribution - driven not by self-interest, but by values of equity and collective responsibility. These preferences are shaped not only by gender, but also by age, race, class, religion and gender identities. The research highlighted a growing feminist consciousness and suggested that evolving understandings of identity, especially among younger women, have strengthened support for progressive platforms. Voting preferences in the 2025 Canadian election reflected these patterns. Rising geopolitical tensions - fuelled by punitive American tariffs on Canadian goods and United States President Donald Trump's threats to annex Canada - stirred national anxiety and shaped voter priorities. At the same time, the American rollback of reproductive rights and attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion policies raised alarm among women worldwide, reinforcing concerns about gender equity and human rights. That meant that how the Conservative and Liberal party leaders articulated their stances on these issues played a crucial role in shaping voter preferences. The Conservative Party emphasized economic policies such as tax cuts and reducing government spending. The party also tapped into cultural frustrations by opposing "woke" ideologies and promoting traditional values. This dual approach sought to resonate with voters alienated by progressive norms, particularly younger men who have felt marginalized by the housing crisis, insecure job markets and shifting cultural expectations around gender roles. Read more: The 'freedom convoy' protesters are a textbook case of 'aggrieved entitlement' In contrast, the Liberal platform emphasized defending Canadian sovereignty, promoting national unity, expanding housing affordability, addressing climate change and advancing economic measures for the middle class - policies that seemingly resonated more with women voters, particularly those prioritizing social programs and long-term social stability. Although reproductive rights were not a central issue in Canada's 2025 campaign, the erosion of those rights in the U.S. cast a shadow north of the border. The Liberal Party pledged to make its Sexual and Reproductive Health Fund permanent and to introduce a new IVF program offering up to $20,000 per cycle - measures aimed at improving access, especially for 2SLGBTQI+ Canadians. The Conservative platform emphasized support for universal health care but made no mention of reproductive health. As a result, many women may have viewed the Liberals as stronger defenders of both reproductive rights and Canadian sovereignty. The 2025 election did more than reveal a partisan split; it exposed fundamentally different visions of Canada's future between men and women. Gender divides in politics often mirror divisions in online discourse. Social media platforms tend to reinforce gendered political identities, with men more likely to be drawn into algorithm-driven spaces that amplify anti-establishment and masculinist narratives. Following the U.S. presidential election in 2024, The Guardian noted how social media algorithms feed their users content that's aligned with the preferences of similar users, deepening ideological silos. American podcaster Joe Rogan exemplifies this dynamic - his show consistently tops charts in the U.S., Australia, the U.K. and Canada, but with an audience that's more than 80 per cent male. These digital bubbles not only reflect polarization - they entrench it, merging political and online identities in ways that make cross-cutting dialogue harder to achieve. This divide affects more than politics. It's reshaping personal relationships. As political identity becomes central to personal values, dating and marriage across ideological lines have become more difficult. According to the American Survey Center, these political divisions are even preventing young people from building meaningful relationships. Similarly, the Atlantic reports that nearly two-thirds of liberal and conservative singles are likely to reject a potential partner who does not share their political beliefs. In this climate, political compatibility is becoming a prerequisite for long-term commitment, rather than a negotiable difference. Addressing this fragmentation requires building narratives that transcend identity silos and foster common ground, both online and offline. It's essential for democratic resilience and for sustaining meaningful human connection.

Is Mark Carney's cabinet 'transformational'? Does anyone care?
Is Mark Carney's cabinet 'transformational'? Does anyone care?

National Observer

time13-05-2025

  • Business
  • National Observer

Is Mark Carney's cabinet 'transformational'? Does anyone care?

For Mark Carney and the members of his team, it was a big day. On Tuesday, ministers were sworn in at Rideau Hall to a trimmed down and reorganized cabinet, with 28 full members and 10 second-tier members, known as secretaries of state. Each prime minister likes to put their own mark on their ministry to distinguish themselves from their predecessors. It's spring! Renewal! Really, it's a kind of ornate — substantive if we're lucky — way of redecorating. Will anybody outside Ottawa or the small clique of political media watchers care? Maybe. Sort of. But not really. As Carney walked into Rideau Hall, a reporter shouted at him 'Lots of changes, eh?' which must have felt like a victory in itself: the government wants to signal that it's new and different, not a mere holdover from the Justin Trudeau years. The 2015 precedent of a gender-balanced cabinet remains, but the faces have changed, mostly. Many ministers from the Trudeau era are gone. At national defence, Bill Blair is out. Natural resources minister Jonathan Wilkinson is gone. Carney leadership rival Karina Gould is also gone. Ditto Ahmed Hussen, Jenna Sudds, and Nathaniel Esrkine Smith. The cabinet features 13 new members of Parliament. Eleven ministers from Carney's first, short-lived cabinet, unveiled in March, are off to the backbench. Some Trudeau stalwarts remain, leading critics to say it's the same old government, which is untrue. Dominic LeBlanc, a competent fixer and all-purpose leader, remains, heading US-Canada trade and intergovernmental affairs. François-Philippe Champagne is still finance minister. Chrystia Freeland, also a Carney leadership rival and the woman who set this whole affair off by knifing Trudeau last December, is transport minister. Mélanie Joly and Anita Anand have swapped jobs, the former heading to the industry ministry and the latter to foreign affairs. For those of us who treat cabinet swearing-in ceremonies, and the speculation, prognostication, and hot takes that accompany them, as melodrama, this is all a big deal. It's like the Oscars for people with a vitamin D deficiency. Pundits will fight over whether this new cabinet is new enough: there are unfamiliar names, there are some familiar names. For the most part, those questions will be decided by one's priors: whether they liked Trudeau, whether they like Carney, how they feel about the particular ministers who are in, or the would-be ministers who've been left out. But most Canadians just want their problems solved. Housing is too expensive. Prices are too high. They don't make enough money. The oceans are boiling and the ice caps are melting. They think a secretary of state is someone who gets coffee for the governor in Michigan. As the cabinet was announced, pollster David Coletto of Abacus Data shared some research his firm carried out in 2024. He found that the vast majority of Canadians had no idea who top cabinet ministers were. Couldn't even pick them out of a lineup. While 98 per cent of Canadians could name Justin Trudeau and 66 per cent could name Pierre Poilievre, the most recognizable cabinet minister was Chrystia Freeland at 39 per cent, followed by Mélanie Joly at 20 per cent. The numbers kept dropping from there. Only 4 per cent could name Dominc Leblanc. Of course, at the time, only 7 per cent could name Mark Carney. (That number is probably higher today.) As the cabinet was announced, pollster David Coletto of Abacus Data shared some research his firm carried out in 2024. He found that the vast majority of Canadians had no idea who top cabinet ministers were. Couldn't even pick them out of a lineup. Regardless of who can name whom, most Canadians don't know or care about much beyond how they are faring in their day-to-day lives, how they feel at their workplace or in their community, what they feel when they check their bank balance. The work of sorting out the details is utterly critical, but it's background noise for normal people. What s hould we make of the details, though? That Canada now has a minister for artificial intelligence, former broadcaster and political newcomer Evan Solomon, could be a sign the government is taking digital transformation seriously. It could also end up being meaningless, or worse. Gregor Robertson, the former mayor of Vancouver, is now housing minister, which for those who lived in Vancouver during his time at the helm — a 10-year period over which home prices more than doubled — may seem, let's say, discordant with addressing the problem. The labour ministry has been downgraded to a secretary of state, an ominous demotion. By next week, the drama of cabinet day will have died down and we'll turn to the return of the Commons, the Throne Speech, and the real struggles that will be shaped by cabinet ministers who Canadians don't know and never will. The focus will be on Carney, a man of tremendous capacity, but one who is about to undertake the most difficult task of his life, and one of the most difficult tasks there is: governing Canada. It's not obvious this team is up to the task, though they deserve a chance to prove they are. Canadians will judge the results, whether they can name those responsible for them or not.

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