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India has defused Pak's biggest weapon - its ability to cry nuclear wolf
India has defused Pak's biggest weapon - its ability to cry nuclear wolf

India Today

time16-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

India has defused Pak's biggest weapon - its ability to cry nuclear wolf

High-pitched nuclear rhetoric from Pakistan has been a standard feature of every crisis with India since it acquired nuclear capability. In a bid to deter India from responding to cross-border terrorism mounted by organisations nurtured and supported by elements of the Pakistani state - a fact that is well recognised today - it resorts to making thinly veiled nuclear threats. This time too, when India vowed to 'identify, track and punish' those behind the terrorist strike on hapless tourists on April 22 in Pahalgam, Pakistan was quick to draw the nuclear railway minister first voiced the nuclear threat after India announced a slew of diplomatic measures. Next, Pakistan conducted a test of its 450km-range, nuclear-capable, surface-to-surface Abdali missile on May 3. Two days later, the Pakistan army also tested a Fatah surface-to-surface missile with a range of 120km. Then, after India's military strikes on nine carefully chosen terrorist infrastructure targets on May 7, Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif said that the threat of nuclear war was "clear and present".India ignored these signals as it undertook a 'measured, non-escalatory, proportionate, and responsible' action against terrorist relevant targets in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and Pakistan. Within minutes of the operation's completion, the Indian Ministry of Defence issued a press statement time-stamped 1.44 am on May 7, underscoring 'considerable restraint in the selection of targets and method of execution' and that 'no Pakistani military facilities have been targeted'.advertisement India made a distinction between the Pakistani state and terror infrastructure in choosing the targets. But Islamabad took this as a violation of its territorial sovereignty and hit Indian military and civilian sites. India responded proportionately against Pakistan's airfields and air defence systems. Meanwhile, cross-border firing along the Line of Control continued to be fierce. On the third day of the engagement, after first declaring and then denying a meeting of the National Command Authority, Pakistan called upon the US to bring about a ceasefire. We don't know what General Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif told US Secretary of State Marco Rubio or President Donald Trump, but it was enough to spook them to reverse an earlier hands-off approach in favour of attempts to de-escalate the nuclear dimensionsWhile much fog persists around the crisis, at least three nuclear dimensions can be discerned. Firstly, Pakistan's ability to conduct nuclear blackmail has been progressively eroded by Indian military actions over the years. In 2016, surgical strikes were conducted just across the Line of Control in PoK. In 2019, India's air strikes on Balakot went deeper across the international boundary. And this time, Indian missile strikes and drone attacks went further into PoK and Punjab. By doing so, India defied the space threshold that Pakistan had once laid down as a red line for nuclear Indian military action in every instance has been executed with high precision and calibration, not only to obviate collateral damage while hitting terror targets, but also to indicate restraint when targeting military sites. This has been enabled by the availability of the right military instruments to effectuate such a unique use of the salami-slicing strategy, India has chosen to slice not the 'salami' of territory but of Pakistani assets and infrastructure that are used to inflict damage upon India. India's focus on prioritising capabilities for the advantage of flexibility of employment, calibrated control over military engagement, and, hence, over escalation, has paid dividends. This has thereby allowed India's military actions to remain well below the stated military threshold of Pakistan's nuclear a declared doctrine of 'no first use' has allowed India to go deeper into hitherto virgin territory and targets to reclaim the space for a conventional response that Pakistan's nuclear strategy has tried to deny. Had India professed a first-use strategy, it would have exacerbated Pakistan's fear of losing its nuclear assets to Indian nuclear would have heightened the possibility of nuclear use in a conflict. By placing the onus of nuclear escalation on Pakistan and by executing its military action in a calibrated fashion, India has consciously stayed away from posing an existential threat that may cause Pakistan to feel the need for nuclear then, in showing the ability to mount a conventional response even in the face of nuclear brinkmanship and in emphasising that every future act of terrorism will be treated as an act of war, India has forced Pakistan to go back to the drawing board to redefine a credible nuclear strategy for itself. Its endeavour to use nuclear weapons as a shield for mounting terrorism appears to have reached a dead possible directionsIn finding possible pathways from here, Pakistan could take three possible it could, and would most likely, decide to shore up its conventional military capability since, irrespective of a projection of a low nuclear threshold, the real action takes place in the conventional realm. With the help of China and Turkey, it could further its military build-up. This would impose a high cost on a fragile economy and a population already facing mounting social and environmental challenges. However, the Pakistan army will not find it difficult to rally the nation around the need to spend more on arms by raising the India it could decide to double down on its existing nuclear strategy and adopt even riskier approaches to reestablish nuclear deterrence through brinkmanship. This would be a very risky path with no guarantees of how or where it would lead, especially since its ability to cry nuclear wolf will have limits. India has already shown this, and the international interlocutors, too, might be less taken in by such a strategy the next could be a third road that goes towards peace with India, but that will probably remain the road not taken till Pakistan desires an alternative way of life. This could be possible only if there was a shift in the power structures in the country, with the military dropping its fixation to stay at the top of the pyramid by constantly raising India as a choice rests with Pakistan. India, meanwhile, in the short to medium term, will have to concentrate on buttressing its deterrence at all levels to safeguard itself against a neighbour that has nuclear weapons, houses terrorist outfits, and lives in denial of the threats that both pose. In the long term, though, there would be merit in thinking of how India could incentivise a change in Pakistan's behaviour. In the past, such attempts have failed. But given that Pakistan is our permanent neighbour, it is in our interest to both build our immunity against its recalcitrance while also continuing attempts to shape our region as we would like it to be.(Manpreet Sethi is a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, and Senior Research Adviser to the Asia Pacific Leadership Network)(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Tune InMust Watch

Javed Akhtar reminds ‘insensitive' Pak Army: 'We salute our fallen soldiers, you refused to take bodies of your men during Kargil war'
Javed Akhtar reminds ‘insensitive' Pak Army: 'We salute our fallen soldiers, you refused to take bodies of your men during Kargil war'

Indian Express

time14-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Javed Akhtar reminds ‘insensitive' Pak Army: 'We salute our fallen soldiers, you refused to take bodies of your men during Kargil war'

Amid the ongoing tension between India and Pakistan, renowned writer-lyricist Javed Akhtar expressed his dismay at the comments made by General Asim Munir, the Army chief of the neighbouring country, just days before the Pehalgam terrorist attack that killed 26 people. In response to the attack, India had launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terror camps inside Pakistan and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. Both the countries agreed to a ceasefire on May 10 after four days of intense fighting. General Asim Munir had said, 'Our forefathers believed that we were different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life. Our religion is different. Our customs are different. Our traditions are different. Our thoughts are different. Our ambitions are different…' General Munir's provocative speech by was viewed by New Delhi as having encouraged the terrorists. In an interview with lawyer and politician Kapil Sibal, Javed Akhtar stressed that India doesn't want to vilify the average Pakistani citizen, but criticised comments made by their 'representatives' as 'insensitive'. He said, 'No country is a monolith. Every citizen of a country can't be the same. If a country's government is bad, then its impact will first be first on its own citizen… Our issue should only be with the government, the army, and the extremists. Our full sympathy should be with the innocents who are suffering because of them.' Describing the situation as 'tragic' for common Pakistanis, many of whom he considers friends, Akhtar continued, 'I watched their army chief's speech on YouTube. What an insensitive man he seemed to be. Sure, abuse Indians if you feel we're evil, but why are you abusing Hindus? Doesn't he realise that there is a population of Hindus in Pakistan as well? Shouldn't you respect your own people? What sort of man are you? What are you even saying? You have no sense.' Akhtar seemed to be referring to comments made by General Asim Munir, who had said, 'Our forefathers believed that we were different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life. Our religion is different. Our customs are different. Our traditions are different. Our thoughts are different. Our ambitions are different…' Also read – Javed Akhtar reminds Pakistanis that 26/11 attackers are from their country: 'You shouldn't be offended if Indians complain about this' He continued, 'One of their missiles is called Abdali. Abdali attacked Muslims! He's your hero? What about the people who were born on your soil? You are hailing an invader? Do you have any concept of history? Their issue is that their history and geography are incompatible. The communities they describe as their own want nothing to do with them. Several Arab countries have banned Pakistanis from getting visas. It's like some boy on the streets of Delhi saying he knows Shah Rukh Khan. My friend, Shah Rukh Khan doesn't know who you are! Yeh inka haal hai.' Akhtar narrated an anecdote to illustrate his point about the Pakistani army not having respect for their own. He said, 'Another truth that Pakistanis must face is this: when one of our soldiers dies, we salute him, but when Pakistani soldiers died in Kargil, they didn't even claim their bodies. It was the Indians who gave them a proper burial. One of our top-ranking soldiers took photographs of their fallen men, had an album made, and presented it to the Pakistanis. They refused to take it. He later accepted it, but unofficially.' Akhtar, who got a hero's welcome in Pakistan in 2023, had slammed Islamabad in front of a gathering in Lahore, for sponsoring terrorism. Asked why Indians and Pakistanis can't get along, Akhtar had reminded the audience that he witnessed the terror caused by Pakistani attackers firsthand during the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai. In the past, he has also spoken about the lack of respect shown by Pakistanis to Indian artistes over the years.

World should take note of Pak's nuclear bombs
World should take note of Pak's nuclear bombs

Mint

time12-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Mint

World should take note of Pak's nuclear bombs

As I complete this article on Sunday morning, a tense peace prevails on the Northern and Western borders of the country, but clouds of tension, uncertainty, and threat still haunt the western border regions of the country. People heaved a sigh of relief when on Saturday evening, a ceasefire was announced between India and Pakistan. However, the relief was short-lived as, within a few hours, Pakistani drones violated the ceasefire. Also Read | Indian drone makers see demand opportunity in border tensions, boost production I hope the situation normalises quickly. India's position, like always, is crystal clear. We don't want a war. Our fight isn't against a nation or its people, but a campaign against terrorism. The terrorists who have the blood of our citizens on their hands are now seeking refuge in their sanctuaries in Pakistan. We want to hunt them down and their masters who conspired and then gunned down 26 Indian citizens in Baisaran valley of Pahalgam, singling them out based on their religion. Their annihilation is our holy duty. New Delhi, under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is pursuing this path with single-minded focus. Also Read | India to boost production of combat medicines While the Indian armed forces are conducting pinpoint operations, the Pakistani army is indulging in indiscriminate attacks across the residential areas, showing an opposite behaviour. I saw on a foreign TV channel that the Pakistani forces were lustily cheering religious slogans after firing every missile. They haven't been told that religion is meant to bring people together and not to tear them asunder. The Pakistani ruling elite, too, is beset by the same problem. Have a look at the names of their missiles – Ghazni, Ghauri, Abdali, etc. How can they forget that when these conquers from Central Asia entered India the first place they plundered, raped and ravaged was the land which we today call Pakistan. It's a tragedy that the rulers of Pakistan have been betraying every overture offered to them. Also Read | Insurance for RE, hydro projects in border states to rise amid conflict You may remember Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He once pompously claimed that Pakistan would fight with India for a thousand years. His friend turned blood-thirsty foe, General Zia-ul-Haq, wanted to bleed and weaken India with a thousand cuts. Today, that grandiose plan is biting Pakistan back. The expensive drones and missiles it fires on Indian targets are intercepted and destroyed mid-air. Indulging in such costly behaviour when within their country, people are ready to murder each other for a sack of flour, is not suicide; then what is it? Under the watchful eye of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, our armed forces have conducted successful attacks on various Pakistani installations with precision and a well-thought-out strategy. With the help of attacks on terror camps and Pakistan's military bases, India has sent a clear message to the global audience that we don't want war. We can and do exercise restraint, but we will not tolerate any attack on us. New Delhi's position is clear: our fight is against terrorism and not with any country. I am sure that in the future, students of military science will study with pride how step by step India evolved a new security doctrine, by avenging Uri, Balakot, and the actions of May 2025. If Pakistan doesn't mend its ways at this juncture, the consequences would be dire. India will not be cowed down by the nuclear threats spewed by the Pakistani politicians or generals sitting in Rawalpindi. People in India and around the world are now sick and tired of listening to this loose talk for the last three decades. I think this is the point where the comity of nations will have to shed their interests and considerations and address a fundamental issue that should such an irresponsible nation be allowed to have nuclear weapons? Never forget that Pakistan created its nuclear weapon with the financial aid provided by Libya and a few other Gulf States. Bhutto and his aids would always claim that the 'Islamic world' needs its own 'atom bomb'. I don't want to look at terrorism and people through the prism of a religion, but the truth can't be brushed under the carpet. Israel had plans to blow up the Pakistani nuclear plant in Kahuta as early as the late 1970s and early 1980s. However, General Zia got wind of it thanks to the stupidity of some prominent Indian political leaders, and the operations had to be aborted. Tel Aviv still maintains its right to eliminate these facilities. On October 11, 2023, Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in an interview categorically said Israel's paramount mission is to stop any radical Islamic government from building or acquiring nuclear weapons or letting it fall into the hands of such forces. Their number one target is Iran, and the second one is Pakistan. Right now, fear pervades the top military brass in Pakistan that after establishing a decisive dominance over Hamas and removing Assad from Syria, it would now be easy for the 'Zionist-Christian coalition' to subdue Iran this year. Once they achieve their goal, Pakistan would be the next target. Pentagon strategist believe the way Taliban tendencies are rearing their head in Pakistani society doesn't augur well for its future. If in such a scenario their political system collapses, then there is every chance that Mr Bhutto's dream of an 'Islamic bomb' will become a reality. This does lead to an urgent need for the world to sit and take a call on Pakistan's nuclear assets and review its policies. The country has been fomenting trouble in India from behind the nuclear shield. The country that can offer sanctuary to Osama bin Laden, whose citizens have been found indulging in terror activities around the world, can't be left to plot mayhem by hiding behind its nuclear shield. It would be better if the world awakens to this threat immediately. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. Views are personal.

Ceasefire Calms Borders: Understanding the Firepower — Ballistic vs Cruise Missiles
Ceasefire Calms Borders: Understanding the Firepower — Ballistic vs Cruise Missiles

India.com

time11-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India.com

Ceasefire Calms Borders: Understanding the Firepower — Ballistic vs Cruise Missiles

New Delhi: Tensions between India and Pakistan eased since May 10 evening after the latter's Director General of Military Operations dialed his Indian counterpart urging a ceasefire. No exchange of fire was reported, and both the Line of Control and the International Border remained largely peaceful since May 10 evening. During a morning press briefing, earlier that day, the Ministry of Defence stated that Pakistan had attempted to target Indian military infrastructure on the western front using drones, long-range weapons and fighter jets. Addressing the press conference, Colonel Sofia Qureshi revealed that at 1:40 AM on May 10, Pakistan had attempted to strike an airbase in Punjab using a high-speed missile. It is, however, unclear as to which specific missile Pakistan used. Missiles are generally categorised based on type, launch method, range, warhead and guidance system. They are broadly classified as either cruise missiles or ballistic missiles. What are the differences between cruise and ballistic missiles? Defence experts explained that missiles classified as cruise missiles typically do not exceed speeds of Mach 5 (five times the speed of sound). Ballistic missiles are considered high-speed because they travel faster than the speed of sound. While the exact missile launched by Pakistan remains unknown, the experts suggested it was likely a ballistic missile, given its high velocity. Hypersonic missiles travel at speeds up to ten times that of sound, and ballistic missiles also move much faster than the speed of sound. When one refers to high-speed missiles, he or she usually speaks of ballistic missiles. Pakistan's missile arsenal is largely composed of ballistic missiles; whereas, India possesses a broader and more advanced range. Along with other long-range missiles, Pakistan possesses a hypersonic missile called Fateh-II, with a range of up to 400 kilometers. The other long-rage missiles Pakistan have include Abdali (with a range of 200 to 300 kilometres) and Ghaznavi (which has a range of 300 to 350 kilometres). On the other hand, India's high-speed missile capabilities include a wide range of missile arsenal, including the Prithvi and Agni series, which gives it a strategic edge in terms of both range and variety. Cruise missiles function differently from ballistic ones. They fly like aircraft and are capable of precision targeting over long distances. Designed to evade radar by flying at low altitudes, they are equipped with sophisticated navigation systems. Cruise missiles can be launched from land, air, sea or submarines, and some can strike targets over a thousand kilometre away. India's cruise missile arsenal includes the BrahMos and Nirbhay, both of which are highly advanced. Cruise missiles are also classified based on speed – subsonic missiles travel below the speed of sound, supersonic missiles travel at two to three times the speed of sound and hypersonic missiles travel at five times the speed of sound or more. If elaboarted hypersonic missiles, they first ascend to altitudes around 100 kilometers, temporarily exiting the earth's atmosphere before re-entering during their descent to strike the target. Due to their speed and trajectory, these missiles are extremely difficult to detect or intercept. Hypersonic missiles can carry both conventional and nuclear warheads. In November 2024, India successfully tested a long-range hypersonic missile with a range of over 1,500 kilometres. This missile can be launched from air, sea or land platforms, giving India enhanced flexibility in deployment. Defence experts said Pakistan, as of now, does not possess hypersonic missile capabilities.

From Fatah-II to Shaheen-III... How far can Pakistan's missiles reach
From Fatah-II to Shaheen-III... How far can Pakistan's missiles reach

India.com

time10-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India.com

From Fatah-II to Shaheen-III... How far can Pakistan's missiles reach

From Fatah-II to Shaheen-III... How far can Pakistan's missiles reach Pakistan had last week conducted a successful training launch of the 'Fatah series' surface-to-surface missile with a range of 120 kilometres amid heightened tensions with India following the Pahalgam terror attack. The Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the media wing of the army, said in a statement that a 'Fatah Series' was tested as a part of the ongoing exercise 'INDUS'. As tensions between India and Pakistan continue to escalate, Pakistan launched Fatah-II, but India intercepted and destroyed by defence forces over Haryana's Sirsa in the early hours of May 10. Reports suggest the missile may have been intended for Delhi, but India's Barak-8 air defence system neutralised the threat in time. The Fatah-II is just one component of Pakistan's expanding missile inventory. Here's an overview of the key missiles in Pakistan's arsenal, and the reach they offer across South Asia and beyond. Fatah-II: A hypersonic, precision-guided ballistic missile with a strike range of around 400 km, the Fatah-II can hit high-value targets deep inside enemy territory. It can carry conventional payloads or low-yield nuclear warheads. Its design shows similarities to modern battlefield systems such as the US GMLRS or China's PHL-series. Shaheen-III: Pakistan's farthest-reaching missile, the Shaheen-III boasts a range of up to 2,750 km. This surface-to-surface missile can deliver nuclear or conventional warheads that cover not only all of India but also reaching parts of the Middle East. Powered by solid fuel, it allows faster deployment and greater survivability. Ghauri-II: With a range exceeding 2,000 km, the Ghauri-II is an upgraded version of the earlier Ghauri-I. Capable of delivering nuclear or conventional warheads, it is believed to be based on North Korea's Nodong missile design. Babur-3: A strategic asset for underwater deterrence, the Babur-3 is Pakistan's submarine-launched cruise missile (SLCM), with a reach of around 450 km. It offers second-strike nuclear capability and was test-launched from a submerged platform in 2017. Short-Range Missiles Abdali (Hatf-II): Designed for tactical roles, the Abdali is a short-range surface-to-surface missile with a reach of 200-300 km. It can carry conventional or nuclear warheads up to 500 kg. Its inertial guidance improves accuracy over its predecessors. Ghaznavi (Hatf-III): With a strike range of roughly 290-320 km, the Ghaznavi is nuclear-capable and powered by solid fuel for rapid launch. It carries warheads similar in capacity to the Abdali. Nasr (Hatf-IX): A battlefield weapon with a tactical role, the Nasr missile has a short range of 70 km. Its primary role is to deliver low-yield nuclear warheads in close-combat scenarios, providing Pakistan with a deterrent at the tactical level. Cruise and Coastal Missiles Harba: The Harba is a ship-based cruise missile, estimated to have a strike range between 300-450 km. It enhances Pakistan's naval strike capabilities. Zarb: Zarb is a coastal defence missile designed to target enemy vessels approaching Pakistan's shores. Its estimated range falls between 280-300 km. India and Pakistan's missile capabilities have drawn global attention. The latest incidents show not just the destructive potential of these weapons, but also the importance of sophisticated interception systems that can prevent major escalation in real time.

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