28-07-2025
The Integration Trap: Erasing Kurdish Autonomy In Syria's Reconstruction
As Syria enters a new chapter of political transition, Kurdish leaders are sounding the alarm: current negotiations with Damascus may mask a deeper threat – one not of reconciliation, but of erasure. After years of fighting ISIS and building a pluralistic, self-governing region, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) now finds its existence challenged by the resurgence of centralized power under Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani, whose ascent from Islamist militia leader to head of Syria's transitional government has reignited fears of forced assimilation. For Kurdish officials, this moment is not just a diplomatic crossroads – it is a test of survival, identity, and the future of decentralized democracy in post-Assad Syria.
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)
For The Kurds, "Integration" Means Mutual Recognition Within A Decentralized State
Ilham Ahmed, Foreign Affairs Chief of AANES, noted in a recent interview with Rudaw that discussions with Damascus remain informal. "We have made some progress, but we are far from formal agreements," she said. "We do not want to break away from Syria. We want a democratic, decentralized system that respects everyone's rights."
Farhad Shami, spokesperson for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), echoed this sentiment on Al-Youm TV on July 23, 2025, declaring that the SDF's weapons are "a red line" that will not be surrendered. "We are negotiating with Damascus as equals, not subordinates," he stated. "This is about Syria's future – not just the SDF. Damascus's approach deepens divisions and invites foreign intervention." Shami warned that Jolani's policies – like those seen in the recent Suwayda clashes – could further destabilize Syria if left unchecked.
For the Kurds, "integration" means mutual recognition within a decentralized state – one that honors their identity, governance structures, and cultural institutions rooted in a shared history across Kurdistan, which spans Syria, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Their vision promotes equal rights for all communities, including Druze, Christians, and Alawites, with the authority to govern and secure their own territories. In stark contrast, Jolani's transitional government demands assimilation: The SDF must disband, and Kurdish fighters are to join the Syrian army as individuals – effectively dismantling Kurdish autonomy and silencing their cultural legacy.
This vision dangerously echoes the pre-2011 authoritarianism of the Assad regimes, when diverse identities were suppressed or manipulated for political leverage.
For Kurds, elevating "Syrianness" above Kurdish identity dilutes their negotiating power. Syrian Kurds must clearly assert their national rights and embrace their identity as part of a broader Kurdish people dispersed across four countries. Pride in their heritage and explicit demands for recognition are critical to resisting Damascus's centralizing push.
Critics argue that Kurdish leaders have been overly cautious in their political rhetoric, avoiding firm declarations of nationhood. Unlike the Druze, who openly demand federalism or even separation, Kurdish representatives often sidestep discussions of Kurdish unity. This strategic hesitancy, many believe, weakens their position and enables actors like U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, to treat Kurdish autonomy as transient or negotiable.
U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack Aligns Himself With Jolani's Centralist Approach
Complicating matters is U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack, who now dominates Washington's Syria policy. On July 11, he rejected federalism outright, stating, "Federalism doesn't work. You can't have independent non-nation states within a nation," aligning himself with Jolani's centralist approach.[1] His stance has provoked mounting criticism – particularly from Republican lawmakers – amid the massacres in Suwayda and growing evidence of minority repression under Jolani's regime.
Barrack's remarks reveal a deeper alignment with Turkish priorities, praising Ankara as "key" to a new Middle East peace roadmap and asserting that "there's only going to be one nation-state that we're going to deal with, and that's the government of Syria."[2] His dismissal of autonomous regions like AANES and preference for centralized control raise concerns that U.S. policy may be shaped more by personal ties to Turkey than by realities on the ground in Syria.
Although Barrack later moderated his stance under pressure, his vision prioritizes Arabic language and Arab identity, neglecting Syria's complex cultural mosaic. His rejection of decentralization risks empowering Arab nationalists and Islamist factions while undermining the inclusive governance model pioneered by the AANES.
In sharp contrast, Walid Phares, former adviser to U.S. President Donald Trump, presents a pluralistic path forward. In an interview with Kurdistan24 on July 27, he asserted that Syria's political future hinges on "mutual recognition" between the central government and its various communities. Without it, Phares warns, Syria risks returning to the oppressive structures of the Assad era. He highlights the Kurds as "the most powerful force on the ground in Syria outside the regime," and argues that expecting them to disarm without robust political guarantees is unrealistic – given their decade-long fight against ISIS with American support.[3] Advocating for a federal model, Phares points to countries like Switzerland, Canada, Belgium, and the Kurdistan Region as successful examples of multiethnic states built on regional recognition.
Despite their numerical disadvantage, the Druze have taken a more outspoken approach. Since 2023, Suwayda's Druze protests have called for self-rule, with some leaders reportedly exploring ties with Israel to escape state marginalization. On July 13, 2025, the abduction of a Druze merchant sparked deadly clashes, killing over 1,100 people – including Druze fighters, civilians, and Syrian troops – according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. In response, Israel launched airstrikes on July 15-16, targeting Syrian military sites in Damascus and Suwayda. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the strikes aimed to protect the Druze and halt Syrian military advances.
The depth of Druze frustration was underscored in two public declarations. One religious leader warned, "If Syria does not become a federal state, we will separate and join Israel or join Kurds." More recently, Sheikh Marwan Kiwan stated: "The only national path is that of the Syrian Democratic Forces. If integration with the SDF in northeast Syria is impossible, and if they cannot lead the transitional phase, then we demand to join Israel. Israel is our friend; it stood by us." These statements reflect not just discontent with centralized control but a broader political pivot toward potential realignment – with Kurds or Israel – as a shield against continued marginalization.
Following Bashar Al-Assad's fall in December 2024, Israel has positioned itself as an ally to Syria's minority groups. In May 2025, then-Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced support for Kurdish autonomy,[4] viewing Kurdish forces as a stabilizing counterweight to Islamist groups and Turkish influence.
Jolani's Vision Demands Full Absorption Into A Centralized Arab Nation-State – A Model That Threatens Kurdish Cultural Erasure And Long-Standing Minority Rights
At the heart of the impasse are competing definitions of integration. Ahmed and Shami promote a decentralized model that preserves Kurdish institutions and embraces pluralism. "That centralized system fueled Syria's civil war," Ahmed noted. "Forcing it again will only spark more conflict."
In contrast, Jolani's vision demands full absorption into a centralized Arab nation-state – a model that threatens Kurdish cultural erasure and long-standing minority rights.
A pivotal shift came on July 17, when State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce clarified that Washington "does not oppose federalism or self-governance," affirming that "Syria's future is in the hands of its people." This recognition opens space for federalism to emerge as a Syrian-led solution.
With the international spotlight elsewhere, Damascus will try to extract concessions through military pressure or attritional diplomacy. Turkey's backing of Jolani's transitional government only intensifies the threat. While U.S. policy under Barrack remains ambiguous, Kurdish representatives remain resolute: the SDF will not disband, and the AANES will not barter its identity for hollow inclusion. In the face of forced centralization and waning international attention, Syrian Kurds must do more than endure – they must assert their identity boldly, unapologetically, and visibly. Their heritage is not a footnote to Syria's reconstruction – it is a foundation. And its survival depends on recognition, resilience, and the right to flourish freely in their ancestral homeland.
*Azado Kurdian is a Kurdish scholar and expert on Kurdish, Turkish and Syrian affairs.
