Latest news with #AfricanNewsAgency
IOL News
9 hours ago
- Business
- IOL News
New 'fixed' utility fees here to stay, says City
Some residents have reported deductions of up to R60 on electricity purchases of just R100. Image: File Picture: Danie van der Lith/African News Agency THE City has doubled down on its defence of the controversial fixed utility fees that residents say put further strain on already stretched budgets, with some reporting deductions of up to R60 on electricity purchases of just R100. City customers now pay a fixed monthly charge of R59.90 (excluding VAT), known as the "Services and Wires Charge." This amount, since July 1, is applied as a daily rate of R1.97. '(For domestic tariff customers) With each electricity purchase, customers pay for the number of days since the last purchase. Example: a customer buying electricity every 15 days will pay 15 x R1,97 = R29,55 in fixed charges (R59,90 for 30 days). Depending on the vendor, the fixed charge could be displayed as 'utility charge' or 'Service and wires charge' or fixed charge,' said City spokesperson, Luthando Tyhalibongo. Home use tariff customers are being billed a monthly fixed charge of R339,89 (VAT excl.). Public frustration over fixed utility fees began long before they took effect. During the 2025/26 Budget process, the public raised widespread objections warning that the charges would place an added burden on already struggling households. The South African Property Owners Association (SAPOA) has also taken the DA-led City to court, challenging the lawfulness of the fixed charges and the City's decision to link certain fixed utility charges to property values. The Cape Town Collective Ratepayers' Association (CTCRA) representing 56 ratepayer associations and civic organisations from across Cape Town is also supporting the application as Amicus Curiae. CTCRA interim chair, Bas Zuidberg said: 'Home owners, especially the Home user category, have seen quite a steep increase from R245 to R340 per month for this fixed charge. 'The CTCRA has received more complaints about the fixed water charge, which is no longer connected to the size of the CoCT connection but is now linked to property values. We have also received many complaints about the new sewage fixed charge and the city-wide cleaning charge, which are also linked to property values.' He said it was clear from the start that these charges were 'highly contentious'. 'More than 10 000 people signed a petition that CTCRA sent out to voice their objections. While CoCT did make a few changes these were not nearly enough to address the concerns. CTCRA is not against the imposition of fixed charges, but we believe linking them to property values is unlawful. Secondly we disagree with the city-wide cleaning charge, which we believe should be funded from the property rates. Thirdly the fixed charges should not be used as an additional revenue stream by CoCT, but they should (in conjunction with the variable charges) cover the actual maintenance cost for the infrastructure. CoCT has proven in the past (through the 'unregulated' portion of electricity consumption charges) not to adhere to this basic principle.' Civic organisation STOP COCT has also received complaints from residents after noticing the added fixed charges on their municipal bills from July 1, most being outraged and saying that they simply could not afford them. 'The impact on households of the two new fixed charges (sanitation and cleaning) and the increase of 38% in the electricity fixed charge is very negative. In most households these fixed charges now total from around R500 upwards. 'According to the arguments in the Sapoa court case against the City of Cape Town, some of these fixed charges are outside the framework of the law. I fully agree with this argument and believe that the way the City implemented these fixed charges as new revenue streams only benefits the City. Many people are currently joining STOP COCT giving the reason that they have had enough of the tariff increases and the fixed charges,' STOP COCT founder, Sandra Dickson said. However, the City maintained that the charges were a necessity. 'Tariffs include both a fixed charge and consumption charges. This means residents can save by consuming less, while still ensuring that all ratepayers contribute to Cape Town's infrastructure and fixed service costs. Fixed charges are common throughout South African municipalities and the world, and are a lawful means of ensuring sustainable infrastructure and service delivery. Following two rounds of meaningful public participation, the final revised budget not only protects households under R2,5 million as it was designed to do, but also expands relief to more homes including above this threshold as well,' Tyhalibongo said. 'Previously, all City-supplied customers made a contribution to city-wide cleaning services via the cost of electricity. Cleaning has now been removed from the electricity price. Customers therefore now pay less for electricity, and City-Wide Cleaning is now shown separately on the monthly bill under 'sundries'. It is not new City income but to cover existing costs beyond the refuse collection (under the refuse tariff for wheelie bins and dry recycling)." Cape Times
IOL News
2 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
Mystery surrounds Markus Jooste's 'death'. Show us the grave!
Former CEO Markus Jooste's alleged death remains unclear and unconvincing, says a political expert. Image: Armand Hough/African News Agency (ANA) The mystery surrounding the alleged death of former Steinhoff CEO Markus Jooste has given rise to conspiracy theories, reflecting a growing lack of trust in law enforcement, according to a respected political analyst. As the dust settles on a R6.3 billion agreement between the South African Reserve Bank and Ibex Holdings, the former Steinhoff empire, a far more unsettling question refuses to go away. No one can say where Jooste was buried. While a statement by the SARB confirmed that both parties reached a settlement allowing Ibex to wind down operations, repay creditors, and conclude all related legal proceedings, the nation is still asking, ''Where is the proof that Jooste is truly dead?'' After the full extent of the Steinhoff scandal came to light, Jooste was fined last March R475 million by the Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA) for accounting fraud. He allegedly took his own life shortly after being informed that an arrest warrant had been issued against him, a death that has since been shrouded in mystery. This ongoing uncertainty has led to growing concerns about the lack of transparency from the authorities and those around Jooste. Political analyst Kenneth Mokgatlhe also raised doubts about Markus Jooste's reported death, saying the details remain unclear and unconvincing. 'Markus Jooste's death remains a mystery, details are very sketchy, and to be honest, I am not absolutely convinced that he died,' Mokgatlhe said. Adding that conspiracy theories reflect a growing lack of trust in the police, Mokgatlhe said: 'The public's engagement with these theories signals a deep loss of confidence in the agencies meant to bring closure to such high-profile cases. ''The police's silence is concerning, and when you consider it alongside the serious allegations made by Commissioner Mkhwanazi, it highlights the glaring weaknesses within SAPS.' Mokgatlhe warned that this situation could have serious political consequences. 'It adds to the ongoing challenges facing the police service and further erodes public faith in the system.' He further stated that the state must confront growing public mistrust by thoroughly investigating Jooste's alleged death and presenting clear evidence to confirm it. 'The government must provide concrete proof to put this matter to rest. Right now, it creates the impression that Jooste is being shielded by powerful political interests,' he said. Mokgatlhe also criticised the perceived racial disparity in how corruption cases are handled in South Africa, arguing that white individuals often escape accountability. 'For instance, look at how Maria Ramos was left unpunished after acknowledging that she manipulated our currency. Nothing happened to her. Look at what happened to Adv. Mkhwebane, when she went after the likes of Absa, she was victimised,' he added. As previously reported by IOL, Western Cape police dismissed the allegations as unfounded, stating that a post-mortem had been conducted and the report filed in the docket for court proceedings. 'The investigation into the death of the late Mr Jooste had been concluded, and the docket was submitted to the National Prosecuting Authority to be placed on the court roll where a formal inquest will be conducted. "The firearm used during the incident was subjected to ballistic tests. Thereafter, returned to the executor as the weapon was registered in the name of the deceased. A report of the ballistic test is filed in the docket for court purposes. The result of both reports will only be disclosed during the formal inquest hearing in court. The date is yet to be determined,' read the statement. Meanwhile, uncertainty continues to surround Jooste's reported death, with little clarity offered by officials. The lack of open communication has intensified public doubt, reinforcing the need for accountability and clear answers to maintain confidence in the justice system. The Star
IOL News
6 days ago
- IOL News
'It's horrendous!': Inside Cape Town's rental nightmare
Finding affordable accommodation, irrespective of your income, is becoming a challenge, both for Capetonians and newcomers to the city. Image: File The popularity of Cape Town as an ideal place to go on holiday or to live and work is well known, but this elevated status is now becoming a double-edged sword. Ask anyone who has semigrated from other parts of the country to settle in Cape Town, and they'll tell you how shocked they were when looking for a place to rent, in or close to the City Bowl and the Atlantic Seaboard. The Atlantic Seaboard is unaffordable to the average South African who wants to move to Cape Town. Image: Armand Hough/African News Agency (ANA) Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Let's face it, Cape Town does have it all: sun-kissed beaches, breathtaking views in all directions, a melting pot of cultures and historic buildings, not to mention its centrepiece - Table Mountain. But finding affordable accommodation, irrespective of your income, is becoming a challenge, both for Capetonians and newcomers to the city. "It's horrendous," said June Viviers*, 50, referring to her recent hard slog finding accommodation in the City Bowl after her move from Durban. "I knew accommodation was going to be a challenge, so I moved into an Airbnb for two months to give me time to look. Wow! I must have spoken to about 50 agents, but even though I booked 12 viewings, I never actually got the chance because agents would tell me the place has been taken, and that is because people make a decision based on pictures they see of the place without even viewing it. That's how desperate we all are. "I was so worried that I may have to move back to Durban, but eventually I found the place I stay at through a contact of mine," she said. Comparison She lives in a two-bedroomed flat in the City Bowl and pays R23 500 a month, a far cry from the R9 000 being charged for something similar on Durban's Berea. "Apart from the shortage and high price of accommodation in Cape Town, you have to earn three times more than your rent, plus you have to pay a double deposit, and they do credit checks, so that adds to the problem," she said. "Overpriced" is not a term those in the property market like to use when discussing the exorbitant rentals that are being asked for apartments within the City Bowl and along the Atlantic Seaboard. Agents say it is merely market forces at play, and that Cape Town, like any other picturesque city in the world that has everything that opens and shuts, commands the prices it serves up. Independent Media Property spoke to Mfundo Mabaso from FNB Home and Structured Lending to get an understanding of the challenge and how it can be tackled. He said the biggest drivers of escalating rentals in Cape Town are the influx of high-net-worth individuals from other parts of the country and abroad, as well as the high demand for Airbnb. Euros vs Rands "For digital nomads, the strength of the pound or the euro which they earn makes Cape Town affordable, even though rent is disproportionately high,' he said. "Covid created digital nomads, young South Africans earning in dollars or pounds who have the buying power of a foreigner, where they are happy to pay R18 000 for a studio in Cape Town, while in Sandton they'd pay R10 000. "If you look at it, everyone coming to Cape Town wants to be in close proximity to the CBD, which is very attractive, which then spikes the demand from high-earning individuals, making it easier for owners to raise their rents.' He gives the example of a client, a couple with three children from Pietermaritzburg who have taken up work in Cape Town and now need to make some hard choices. "They sold their home for R2 million, and now they can only afford to buy an apartment if they want to be close to the CBD for work, unless they're prepared to drive 50km out of the city to stay in a place that gives them a sense that they're in a comparatively good area. "But this then means extra time and money to commute each day, as well as additional costs like having someone to help fetch the kids from school. What you'll give up "These unforeseen costs mean that how their life was configured before is now fundamentally different. If they settle for an apartment nearby, they'll have to give away a bedroom and square metres, and there will be no garden," he said. Mabaso said government-subsidised housing and collective buying are seen by many as solutions for the lower and middle ends of the housing market. John Loos, senior economist at FNB, said land scarcity in Cape Town is not a problem experienced by its nearest property rival, Gauteng. "Land is scarce in Cape Town, with a mountain in the middle and the sea on a few sides and high-value farmland surrounding it, which is not being released or turned into residential property at a quicker rate. "Both Gauteng and Cape Town have rapid population rates, but the difference with Cape Town is a bigger influx of high-income people, affluent retirees and the high rate of Airbnb, and this keeps the supply of normal rental properties limited. "This is what happens when a place becomes the flavour of the month. It is very simple, really, and is reflective of a prime city that is more popular than other places in the country," he said. Loos said the city can mitigate this by rapid and orderly densification and the creation of high-density nodes outside the city precinct. Bellville could be turned into a second CBD with a public transport corridor and housing developments. Image: Supplied He said there has been talk about turning Bellville into a second CBD, with high-density housing along major transport corridors such as Voortrekker Road, which, if implemented, would create demand for a state-of-the-art mass public transport system. Rob Steffanutta, head of development at the ClaremartGroup says as these prime areas reach saturation, Cape Town's southern suburbs could become 'the next major frontier for rental market value', adding that these suburbs still offer 'significant parcels of available development land, where the savvy investor could get in under R50K per m2 for construction'. * Not her real name
IOL News
22-07-2025
- Business
- IOL News
eThekwini councillors approve new waste management strategy
eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. This strategy is expected to be robust in waste collection in the municipality. Image: Bongani Mbatha/African News Agency (ANA) eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. The strategy has been developed in alignment with National Treasury's Metro Trading Services Reform Framework (MTSRF). The waste management directorate will change from a traditional unit to a CSW business directorate with a single point of accountability. This will enable the executive director of the Waste Management Directorate to have the necessary responsibility and authority to improve its services and to be held accountable in this regard. As per the requirements by National Treasury, the strategy document is coupled with the Cleansing and Solid Waste Directorate's Institutional and Governance Roadmap and the Business and Investments Plan to improve all aspects of the solid waste business. According to the report, the institutional reforms focus on improved management and governance, while the Business and Investment Plan focuses on the Waste Business Development Plan. The Directorate is also required to develop a Performance Improvement Action Plan which is due in April 2026. The plan represents a critical opportunity not just to clean up the city, but to restore the dignity of service delivery that residents so rightly deserve, said Hlengiwe Shozi, DA Councillor at the council meeting. 'For far too long, eThekwini's waste management system has failed its people with broken promises, irregular collections, and communities forced to live among illegal dumping and overflowing bins. If this plan is to succeed, it must go beyond paper. It must be backed by action, urgency, and accountability,' she said. Shozi said although recycling is mentioned in the strategy, there are no clear timelines or measurable targets and she urged DSW to prioritise this to reduce the burden on landfill sites. 'Recycling is not only good for the planet — it's an economic opportunity. Let's stop treating it like an afterthought,' Shozi added. She also suggested that the poor quality of refuse bags being distributed be looked into. Patrick Pillay, leader of the Democratic Liberal Congress (DLC), said the monitoring and implementation of this strategy lies with the eThekwini committees. Pillay urged councillors in the committees to be proactive to ensure the strategy is a success story. 'Despite all the fancy words used to describe the strategy our residents need service delivery. They want to live in a clean environment,' he said. Sunitha Maharaj, Minority Front councillor, said that one of the biggest challenges for CSW has always been service delivery protests. 'What we do not support is any move to impose tariff increases on the public to keep the unit financially viable. We say this because of the lack of accountability and transparency by the municipality previously in terms of reporting progress challenges and corrective measures,' she said. Maharaj was concerned about the municipality having the capacity or if there is a political will to realise the reform goals. She said the Supply Chain Management must be held accountable for delays and must ensure that contract management is strengthened on awarded contracts to the most responsive tenderer. Nkosenhle Madlala, ANC eThekwini councillor, said waste management in the city has gone through some serious challenges including the mushrooming of informal settlements overnight that were not budgeted for in CSW. He said the strategy gives the municipality a chance to turn things around and restore confidence in local government. 'Let us commend the turnaround we have seen in terms of the cleanliness of our streets. We moved a long way from where we were to where we are now in terms of the cleanliness of our city but we are not masking any challenges. A lot still needs to be done and we are happy this strategy is here,' he said. Henricus van der Ryst, Freedom Front Plus councillor, said that National Treasury should look at informing people about waste management at grassroot level such as primary schools. He was concerned about the funding burden placed only on some paying residents. Saneli Zuma, ActionSA councillor, said there was a culture of negligence from both residents and businesses who continue to discard waste irresponsibly, as well as illegal dumping in and around township areas. 'Let us not allow this to become yet another strategy adopted in council that never sees the light of day," she said. [email protected]
IOL News
17-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Are commissions in South Africa a tool for justice or a shield for corruption?
Chief Justice Raymond Zondo chaired the Judicial Commission into State Capture. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Image: Karen Sandison/African News Agency (ANA) FORMER EFF politician Mbuyiseni Ndlozi argues that a president cannot find anyone guilty, advocating instead for proper judicial commissions of inquiry, led by a judge, with strict timelines. He deems this 'proper' for a democracy. However, the subsequent analysis of South African commissions reveals how they often fall short of this ideal, instead perpetuating systemic violence and delaying justice. The Commissions Act, 1947 (Act No 8 of 1947), used for inquiries such as the Zondo Commission on State Capture, originated under British colonial rule. This embedded a legalistic façade for systemic violence. It enabled apartheid-era inquiries, such as the Hefer Commission (2003) and Donen Commission (2002), which probed 'financial irregularities' while ignoring Black suffering under racial capitalism. Like colonial inquests pathologising indigenous resistance, modern commissions prioritise bureaucratic order over human dignity. Tebogo Thobejane's condemnation: 'No mention of the lack of protection… left to fight alone,' echoes this centuries-old erasure. After surviving an assassination attempt, she now navigates a trial process offering legal theatrics, not safety. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Commissions ritually harvest victim trauma while withholding redress. The Marikana Commission (2012) gathered 641 days of testimony from widows of massacred miners, yet delivered no prosecutions or timely reparations. This pattern repeats in Thobejane's case as her ex-boyfriend's corruption trial expands while her paralysed friend remains unsupported. Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) heard 21 000 victims' testimonies but granted amnesty to 1 500 perpetrators, providing only nominal reparations. This dynamic inherits colonial evidence-gathering: Black pain becomes archival fodder, catalogued and then discarded. As Thobejane noted, President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches often overlook victims, reducing their experiences to procedural footnotes. Commission structures inherently protect power networks. The Mokgoro Commission (2018) and Ginwala Inquiry (2007) scrutinised prosecutors threatening political elites under the NPA Act. Inquiries into police violence, such as those in Khayelitsha (2012), operated with weaker mandates. This bifurcation mirrors colonial divide-and-rule tactics, ensuring accountability often evaporates. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry, for instance, yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Victims like Thobejane experience justice as temporary violence, marked by endless postponements while perpetrators retain influence. Ramaphosa's latest commission of inquiry investigating the now suspended chief of police, Senzo Mchunu, offers suspension, not prosecution. Judicial appointments cloak commissions in false objectivity. Retired judges like Judge Ian Farlam (Marikana) and Seriti (Arms Deal) lent legitimacy to inquiries that ultimately shielded the interests of the state and corporations. The President's latest 'independent commission' further demonstrates how these bodies often obscure underlying political complexities and power struggles. This legal theatre pathologises victims: Marikana miners were framed as 'illegal strikers', while Thobejane's assault became a tabloid spectacle. Colonial inquiries similarly recast resistance as deviance, using statutes to sanctify state violence. When commissions centre perpetrators' due process over victims' safety, they enact 'racial terror through bureaucracy'. The TRC's unresolved legacy continues to haunt contemporary commissions. Thirty years later, only 137 of its recommended prosecutions have been investigated, while apartheid-era cases like the Cradock Four murders remain in legal limbo. Nomonde Calata's tears at a 2025 inquest echo her 1996 TRC testimony, testifying to the commission's broken promises. Thobejane's demand for 'accountability and support' confronts this cycle; her ex-boyfriend faces new charges while his police and political connections remain intact. Reparations remain theoretical: TRC victims received a single payment of R30 000 each, while Marikana families await R1 billion in compensation. This reflects colonialism's core calculus: human suffering indexed against fiscal 'pragmatism'. Breaking this machinery requires centring victims as architects, not evidence. Unlike Ramaphosa's commissions, a transformative approach would enforce existing recommendations: implementing the Khayelitsha Commission's 2012 police reforms, funding TRC-mandated educational reparations, and prosecuting the network of Thobejane's ex-boyfriend beyond his hitmen. Thobejane's couragec — demanding protection while testifying — sets a model for this agency. Yet, without dismantling the Commissions Act and colonial-era legalisms, inquiries remain stone fortresses where violence is ritualised, not remedied. South Africa remains fractured by inequality, a landscape where commissions consecrate state power while the vulnerable fight alone in the ruins. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.
