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IOL News
14 hours ago
- IOL News
'It's horrendous!': Inside Cape Town's rental nightmare
Finding affordable accommodation, irrespective of your income, is becoming a challenge, both for Capetonians and newcomers to the city. Image: File The popularity of Cape Town as an ideal place to go on holiday or to live and work is well known, but this elevated status is now becoming a double-edged sword. Ask anyone who has semigrated from other parts of the country to settle in Cape Town, and they'll tell you how shocked they were when looking for a place to rent, in or close to the City Bowl and the Atlantic Seaboard. The Atlantic Seaboard is unaffordable to the average South African who wants to move to Cape Town. Image: Armand Hough/African News Agency (ANA) Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Let's face it, Cape Town does have it all: sun-kissed beaches, breathtaking views in all directions, a melting pot of cultures and historic buildings, not to mention its centrepiece - Table Mountain. But finding affordable accommodation, irrespective of your income, is becoming a challenge, both for Capetonians and newcomers to the city. "It's horrendous," said June Viviers*, 50, referring to her recent hard slog finding accommodation in the City Bowl after her move from Durban. "I knew accommodation was going to be a challenge, so I moved into an Airbnb for two months to give me time to look. Wow! I must have spoken to about 50 agents, but even though I booked 12 viewings, I never actually got the chance because agents would tell me the place has been taken, and that is because people make a decision based on pictures they see of the place without even viewing it. That's how desperate we all are. "I was so worried that I may have to move back to Durban, but eventually I found the place I stay at through a contact of mine," she said. Comparison She lives in a two-bedroomed flat in the City Bowl and pays R23 500 a month, a far cry from the R9 000 being charged for something similar on Durban's Berea. "Apart from the shortage and high price of accommodation in Cape Town, you have to earn three times more than your rent, plus you have to pay a double deposit, and they do credit checks, so that adds to the problem," she said. "Overpriced" is not a term those in the property market like to use when discussing the exorbitant rentals that are being asked for apartments within the City Bowl and along the Atlantic Seaboard. Agents say it is merely market forces at play, and that Cape Town, like any other picturesque city in the world that has everything that opens and shuts, commands the prices it serves up. Independent Media Property spoke to Mfundo Mabaso from FNB Home and Structured Lending to get an understanding of the challenge and how it can be tackled. He said the biggest drivers of escalating rentals in Cape Town are the influx of high-net-worth individuals from other parts of the country and abroad, as well as the high demand for Airbnb. Euros vs Rands "For digital nomads, the strength of the pound or the euro which they earn makes Cape Town affordable, even though rent is disproportionately high,' he said. "Covid created digital nomads, young South Africans earning in dollars or pounds who have the buying power of a foreigner, where they are happy to pay R18 000 for a studio in Cape Town, while in Sandton they'd pay R10 000. "If you look at it, everyone coming to Cape Town wants to be in close proximity to the CBD, which is very attractive, which then spikes the demand from high-earning individuals, making it easier for owners to raise their rents.' He gives the example of a client, a couple with three children from Pietermaritzburg who have taken up work in Cape Town and now need to make some hard choices. "They sold their home for R2 million, and now they can only afford to buy an apartment if they want to be close to the CBD for work, unless they're prepared to drive 50km out of the city to stay in a place that gives them a sense that they're in a comparatively good area. "But this then means extra time and money to commute each day, as well as additional costs like having someone to help fetch the kids from school. What you'll give up "These unforeseen costs mean that how their life was configured before is now fundamentally different. If they settle for an apartment nearby, they'll have to give away a bedroom and square metres, and there will be no garden," he said. Mabaso said government-subsidised housing and collective buying are seen by many as solutions for the lower and middle ends of the housing market. John Loos, senior economist at FNB, said land scarcity in Cape Town is not a problem experienced by its nearest property rival, Gauteng. "Land is scarce in Cape Town, with a mountain in the middle and the sea on a few sides and high-value farmland surrounding it, which is not being released or turned into residential property at a quicker rate. "Both Gauteng and Cape Town have rapid population rates, but the difference with Cape Town is a bigger influx of high-income people, affluent retirees and the high rate of Airbnb, and this keeps the supply of normal rental properties limited. "This is what happens when a place becomes the flavour of the month. It is very simple, really, and is reflective of a prime city that is more popular than other places in the country," he said. Loos said the city can mitigate this by rapid and orderly densification and the creation of high-density nodes outside the city precinct. Bellville could be turned into a second CBD with a public transport corridor and housing developments. Image: Supplied He said there has been talk about turning Bellville into a second CBD, with high-density housing along major transport corridors such as Voortrekker Road, which, if implemented, would create demand for a state-of-the-art mass public transport system. Rob Steffanutta, head of development at the ClaremartGroup says as these prime areas reach saturation, Cape Town's southern suburbs could become 'the next major frontier for rental market value', adding that these suburbs still offer 'significant parcels of available development land, where the savvy investor could get in under R50K per m2 for construction'. * Not her real name
IOL News
3 days ago
- Business
- IOL News
eThekwini councillors approve new waste management strategy
eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. This strategy is expected to be robust in waste collection in the municipality. Image: Bongani Mbatha/African News Agency (ANA) eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. The strategy has been developed in alignment with National Treasury's Metro Trading Services Reform Framework (MTSRF). The waste management directorate will change from a traditional unit to a CSW business directorate with a single point of accountability. This will enable the executive director of the Waste Management Directorate to have the necessary responsibility and authority to improve its services and to be held accountable in this regard. As per the requirements by National Treasury, the strategy document is coupled with the Cleansing and Solid Waste Directorate's Institutional and Governance Roadmap and the Business and Investments Plan to improve all aspects of the solid waste business. According to the report, the institutional reforms focus on improved management and governance, while the Business and Investment Plan focuses on the Waste Business Development Plan. The Directorate is also required to develop a Performance Improvement Action Plan which is due in April 2026. The plan represents a critical opportunity not just to clean up the city, but to restore the dignity of service delivery that residents so rightly deserve, said Hlengiwe Shozi, DA Councillor at the council meeting. 'For far too long, eThekwini's waste management system has failed its people with broken promises, irregular collections, and communities forced to live among illegal dumping and overflowing bins. If this plan is to succeed, it must go beyond paper. It must be backed by action, urgency, and accountability,' she said. Shozi said although recycling is mentioned in the strategy, there are no clear timelines or measurable targets and she urged DSW to prioritise this to reduce the burden on landfill sites. 'Recycling is not only good for the planet — it's an economic opportunity. Let's stop treating it like an afterthought,' Shozi added. She also suggested that the poor quality of refuse bags being distributed be looked into. Patrick Pillay, leader of the Democratic Liberal Congress (DLC), said the monitoring and implementation of this strategy lies with the eThekwini committees. Pillay urged councillors in the committees to be proactive to ensure the strategy is a success story. 'Despite all the fancy words used to describe the strategy our residents need service delivery. They want to live in a clean environment,' he said. Sunitha Maharaj, Minority Front councillor, said that one of the biggest challenges for CSW has always been service delivery protests. 'What we do not support is any move to impose tariff increases on the public to keep the unit financially viable. We say this because of the lack of accountability and transparency by the municipality previously in terms of reporting progress challenges and corrective measures,' she said. Maharaj was concerned about the municipality having the capacity or if there is a political will to realise the reform goals. She said the Supply Chain Management must be held accountable for delays and must ensure that contract management is strengthened on awarded contracts to the most responsive tenderer. Nkosenhle Madlala, ANC eThekwini councillor, said waste management in the city has gone through some serious challenges including the mushrooming of informal settlements overnight that were not budgeted for in CSW. He said the strategy gives the municipality a chance to turn things around and restore confidence in local government. 'Let us commend the turnaround we have seen in terms of the cleanliness of our streets. We moved a long way from where we were to where we are now in terms of the cleanliness of our city but we are not masking any challenges. A lot still needs to be done and we are happy this strategy is here,' he said. Henricus van der Ryst, Freedom Front Plus councillor, said that National Treasury should look at informing people about waste management at grassroot level such as primary schools. He was concerned about the funding burden placed only on some paying residents. Saneli Zuma, ActionSA councillor, said there was a culture of negligence from both residents and businesses who continue to discard waste irresponsibly, as well as illegal dumping in and around township areas. 'Let us not allow this to become yet another strategy adopted in council that never sees the light of day," she said. [email protected]
IOL News
17-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Are commissions in South Africa a tool for justice or a shield for corruption?
Chief Justice Raymond Zondo chaired the Judicial Commission into State Capture. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Image: Karen Sandison/African News Agency (ANA) FORMER EFF politician Mbuyiseni Ndlozi argues that a president cannot find anyone guilty, advocating instead for proper judicial commissions of inquiry, led by a judge, with strict timelines. He deems this 'proper' for a democracy. However, the subsequent analysis of South African commissions reveals how they often fall short of this ideal, instead perpetuating systemic violence and delaying justice. The Commissions Act, 1947 (Act No 8 of 1947), used for inquiries such as the Zondo Commission on State Capture, originated under British colonial rule. This embedded a legalistic façade for systemic violence. It enabled apartheid-era inquiries, such as the Hefer Commission (2003) and Donen Commission (2002), which probed 'financial irregularities' while ignoring Black suffering under racial capitalism. Like colonial inquests pathologising indigenous resistance, modern commissions prioritise bureaucratic order over human dignity. Tebogo Thobejane's condemnation: 'No mention of the lack of protection… left to fight alone,' echoes this centuries-old erasure. After surviving an assassination attempt, she now navigates a trial process offering legal theatrics, not safety. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Commissions ritually harvest victim trauma while withholding redress. The Marikana Commission (2012) gathered 641 days of testimony from widows of massacred miners, yet delivered no prosecutions or timely reparations. This pattern repeats in Thobejane's case as her ex-boyfriend's corruption trial expands while her paralysed friend remains unsupported. Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) heard 21 000 victims' testimonies but granted amnesty to 1 500 perpetrators, providing only nominal reparations. This dynamic inherits colonial evidence-gathering: Black pain becomes archival fodder, catalogued and then discarded. As Thobejane noted, President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches often overlook victims, reducing their experiences to procedural footnotes. Commission structures inherently protect power networks. The Mokgoro Commission (2018) and Ginwala Inquiry (2007) scrutinised prosecutors threatening political elites under the NPA Act. Inquiries into police violence, such as those in Khayelitsha (2012), operated with weaker mandates. This bifurcation mirrors colonial divide-and-rule tactics, ensuring accountability often evaporates. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry, for instance, yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Victims like Thobejane experience justice as temporary violence, marked by endless postponements while perpetrators retain influence. Ramaphosa's latest commission of inquiry investigating the now suspended chief of police, Senzo Mchunu, offers suspension, not prosecution. Judicial appointments cloak commissions in false objectivity. Retired judges like Judge Ian Farlam (Marikana) and Seriti (Arms Deal) lent legitimacy to inquiries that ultimately shielded the interests of the state and corporations. The President's latest 'independent commission' further demonstrates how these bodies often obscure underlying political complexities and power struggles. This legal theatre pathologises victims: Marikana miners were framed as 'illegal strikers', while Thobejane's assault became a tabloid spectacle. Colonial inquiries similarly recast resistance as deviance, using statutes to sanctify state violence. When commissions centre perpetrators' due process over victims' safety, they enact 'racial terror through bureaucracy'. The TRC's unresolved legacy continues to haunt contemporary commissions. Thirty years later, only 137 of its recommended prosecutions have been investigated, while apartheid-era cases like the Cradock Four murders remain in legal limbo. Nomonde Calata's tears at a 2025 inquest echo her 1996 TRC testimony, testifying to the commission's broken promises. Thobejane's demand for 'accountability and support' confronts this cycle; her ex-boyfriend faces new charges while his police and political connections remain intact. Reparations remain theoretical: TRC victims received a single payment of R30 000 each, while Marikana families await R1 billion in compensation. This reflects colonialism's core calculus: human suffering indexed against fiscal 'pragmatism'. Breaking this machinery requires centring victims as architects, not evidence. Unlike Ramaphosa's commissions, a transformative approach would enforce existing recommendations: implementing the Khayelitsha Commission's 2012 police reforms, funding TRC-mandated educational reparations, and prosecuting the network of Thobejane's ex-boyfriend beyond his hitmen. Thobejane's couragec — demanding protection while testifying — sets a model for this agency. Yet, without dismantling the Commissions Act and colonial-era legalisms, inquiries remain stone fortresses where violence is ritualised, not remedied. South Africa remains fractured by inequality, a landscape where commissions consecrate state power while the vulnerable fight alone in the ruins. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. 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IOL News
17-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Four years after the flames: the lingering scars of July 2021
Motor vehicles were set alight on Phoenix Highway during the unrest in Phoenix, north of Durban. The writer says the community of Phoenix, where he serves, became the unfortunate epicenter of the storm. Image: Motshwari Mofokeng/African News Agency (ANA) JULY 2025 marked four years since one of South Africa's darkest modern moments - the unprecedented unrest that swept across KwaZulu-Natal and parts of Gauteng, in the wake of former President Jacob Zuma's incarceration. What began ostensibly as protests against the arrest of a former head of state quickly devolved into a full-scale attempted insurrection, revealing the deeper, festering wounds of a society teetering on the edge of collapse. While the political trigger was clear, it was merely a spark to a powder keg long in the making: mass unemployment, entrenched poverty, a failing state, and the devastating socio-economic fallout of the Covid-19 pandemic. It was not just a protest - it was a desperate cry from a people disillusioned with their government and abandoned by the promise of democracy. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Phoenix: a town at the crossroads of crisis The community of Phoenix, where I proudly serve, became the unfortunate epicenter of the storm. When looters and violent instigators advanced toward homes, businesses, and places of worship, residents stood up. Men and women, young and old, took up the mantle of self-defence - not out of hate, but out of fear. They did what the state failed to do: they protected lives, livelihoods, and the very fabric of their communities. But amid that defensive stance, a terrible tragedy unfolded. A few individuals - acting outside the bounds of law and without the mandate of any community - targeted people based not on behaviour, but on skin colour. Innocent lives were lost. Families were shattered. Children were orphaned. The names of Delani Hadebe, Mondli Majola, and others - black and Indian - echo as chilling reminders that hatred and racial profiling have no place in a democratic society. Let us be clear: these individuals who committed racialised violence do not represent Phoenix. They do not represent the Indian community, nor any other community. Their actions tarnished a town that was, for the most part, standing for what was right. And even now, four years later, Phoenix still carries a stigma that it does not deserve - a burden placed on the shoulders of people who had nothing to do with those isolated acts of hatred. The racial wedge: a wound reopened The unrest deepened the racial divide, especially between black and Indian communities. Opportunists and unscrupulous individuals, some with political motives, exploited the violence to pit South Africans against one another. They used social media to inflame tensions and spread misinformation. It became easier to blame a race than to blame the real culprits - the masterminds, the failed state security apparatus, and the rotten political elite. But amid that darkness, there were lights of hope. A statesman among us: the peacemaking of Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi Few leaders rose to the occasion in the way the late Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi did. As former Prime Minister to the Zulu monarch and President Emeritus of the IFP, he carried moral authority across racial, ethnic, and political lines. In the days and weeks following the unrest, he made tireless efforts to calm tensions, traveling to communities on both sides of the divide, encouraging dialogue, compassion, and unity. It was Prince Buthelezi who reminded us of our shared destiny, of the legacy of struggle that both Indians and black South Africans had jointly inherited from history. It was he who said: "We are not enemies - we are neighbors, friends, family." His efforts brokered peace when government officials were nowhere to be seen. Today, more than ever, we miss his leadership - his voice of reason, his moral compass, his quiet but unwavering courage. Security failures and political cowardice Perhaps the most damning indictment of that period was the sheer failure of the state to anticipate, contain, or prevent the unrest. South Africa's intelligence agencies failed to detect the planning. The Minister of Defence at the time flatly denied any signs of an insurrection, even as cities burned. The president's response was slow and unconvincing. Worse still, the very architects of the chaos - the so-called "commanders" of the uprising, many of whom are now seated comfortably as Members of Parliament, some in the ANC and others in the MK Party - have evaded justice. The silence of law enforcement and the inaction of the prosecuting authority make a mockery of justice. It is a betrayal to the people who died, to the families who mourn, and to the country that still suffers. Lingering aftershocks Economically, thousands of small businesses never reopened. Jobs were lost, and informal traders were devastated. Socially, trauma still lives in the eyes of our elders, in the anxiety of our children, and in the conversations we whisper at dinner tables. Politically, the unrest laid bare the true fragility of our state and the recklessness of those in power. Today, in 2025, there are rumblings once again. A statement by KwaZulu-Natal's Police Commissioner has implicated Minister Senzo Mchunu and associates in conversations that could hint at fresh unrest. One can only hope this time, the government will act swiftly and decisively. We cannot afford another July 2021. The cost would be too great. Honouring the heroes, mourning the fallen We owe a great debt to the many brave South Africans who defended our communities - not with hatred, but with heart. People of all races formed human chains to protect shopping malls, food depots, and homes. They guarded one another, treated the wounded, comforted the grieving, and fed the hungry. We remember those who died at the hands of criminals - not just as statistics, but as sons, daughters, mothers, and fathers. People like Mondli Majola, whose bravery was evident in his final moments. People like Delani Hadebe, who was in the wrong place at the wrong time. They are not forgotten. They never will be. Looking ahead As we reflect on the past four years, let us commit to truth, justice, and healing. Let us reject the politics of division and the lies of opportunists. Let us defend our democracy - not only from those who seek to destroy it with fire and bullets - but from those who poison it with silence, denial, and impunity. South Africa is wounded, yes - but not broken. We have been betrayed, yes - but we are not without hope. If we are to rise from these ashes, we must do it together. In unity. In peace. And with courage. Jonathan Annipen Image: Supplied Jonathan Annipen is an IFP Councillor in the eThekwini Municipality and serves as the Whip on the Finance Committee. He writes in his personal capacity. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media. THE POST
IOL News
15-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Cachalia's appointment met with mixed reactions
Former anti-apartheid activist and academic Professor Firoz Cachalia. Image: Picture: Bongiwe Mchunu/African News Agency (ANA) INCOMING acting police minister Professor Firoz Cachalia says the focus will be on the effectiveness of the police in dealing with crime, particularly those that have a strong impact on communities. "I'm still wrapping my head around what the priorities need to be," he said on Monday, a day after President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed him to hold the fort in place of Senzo Mchunu. Mchunu will be taking a leave of absence from his official duties following serious allegations against him by the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Commissioner of the South African Police Service (SAPS), Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. Mkhwanazi accused Mchunu and Deputy National Commissioner for Crime Detection Lieutenant General Shadrack Sibiya of corruption, political interference, and being involved in a drug cartel. Central to the controversy is the disbandment of the political killings task team, the freezing of posts for crime intelligence, which has left KZN with vacant positions, among others. Both Mchunu and Sibiya have publicly dismissed the allegations that will now form the basis of a commission of inquiry to be headed by current Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. Ramaphosa said the allegations against Mchunu, if not addressed, would have a negative impact on the country. The EFF has taken issue with Cachalia's appointment, saying appointing an 'outside' will further burden the already overstretched taxpayer. Cachalia officially takes over from next month. "The taxpayers will pay for Mchunu's vacation and time off to go and consolidate his associates in the syndicates exposed by Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi," said EFF spokesperson Sinaw Thambo. Thambo also questioned the constitutional validity of Cachalia's appointment, arguing that Section 91 (3) (c) of the Constitution does not apply to the appointment of an acting minister. "The President of the Republic is therefore either surrounded by incompetent advisors, legally and otherwise, or he is surrounded by advisors so cunning that they have weaponised our Constitution to enhance ANC patronage and defend the corrupt," said Thambo. "The EFF is appalled by the decision of President Cyril Ramaphosa to place Minister Senzo Mchunu on 'special leave' instead of removing him entirely from his position. This so-called 'special leave' is a cowardly deflection, designed to shield a minister whose involvement in organised crime has been laid bare by Mkhwanazi." uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said Ramaphosa had had an opportunity to take South Africa into confidence and to deal with these issues decisively. 'Instead, he calls for a commission of inquiry, and he expects South Africa to be patient when people are dying on a daily basis,' Ndhlela said. The Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice weighed on Cachalia's appointment, saying: 'The appointment of Professor Cachalia—however qualified—symbolizes the President's deepening disconnect from public sentiment, even as it deepens the mistrust and resentment in a president deeply embroiled in suspicions and allegations of criminal acts and covering up those acts. South Africans are not demanding more elite commissions or carefully calculated reshuffles. They are demanding accountability, action, and political courage… Swapping out ministers or parachuting new faces may look good on paper, but it does nothing to confront the entrenched networks of corruption hollowing out our criminal justice system.' Meanwhile, high office bearers within Ramaphosa's Cabinet have revealed that Mathale was angry at being overlooked to take over from Mchunu. Mathale has been the deputy police minister since former president Jacob Zuma's tenure. 'The question as to why comrade president (Ramaphosa) has appointed an outsider remains unknown because Mathale has been in the game for a long time… he has been overlooked because he has since been known as a Zuma person. 'It's a little strange, really, as to why it was not automatic that either Polly Boshielo or Cassel Mathale had not taken over,' the source said. Cape Times
