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IOL News
14 hours ago
- Business
- IOL News
eThekwini councillors approve new waste management strategy
eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. This strategy is expected to be robust in waste collection in the municipality. Image: Bongani Mbatha/African News Agency (ANA) eThekwini councillors approved the Cleansing and Solid Waste (CSW) Turnaround Strategy on Monday. The strategy has been developed in alignment with National Treasury's Metro Trading Services Reform Framework (MTSRF). The waste management directorate will change from a traditional unit to a CSW business directorate with a single point of accountability. This will enable the executive director of the Waste Management Directorate to have the necessary responsibility and authority to improve its services and to be held accountable in this regard. As per the requirements by National Treasury, the strategy document is coupled with the Cleansing and Solid Waste Directorate's Institutional and Governance Roadmap and the Business and Investments Plan to improve all aspects of the solid waste business. According to the report, the institutional reforms focus on improved management and governance, while the Business and Investment Plan focuses on the Waste Business Development Plan. The Directorate is also required to develop a Performance Improvement Action Plan which is due in April 2026. The plan represents a critical opportunity not just to clean up the city, but to restore the dignity of service delivery that residents so rightly deserve, said Hlengiwe Shozi, DA Councillor at the council meeting. 'For far too long, eThekwini's waste management system has failed its people with broken promises, irregular collections, and communities forced to live among illegal dumping and overflowing bins. If this plan is to succeed, it must go beyond paper. It must be backed by action, urgency, and accountability,' she said. Shozi said although recycling is mentioned in the strategy, there are no clear timelines or measurable targets and she urged DSW to prioritise this to reduce the burden on landfill sites. 'Recycling is not only good for the planet — it's an economic opportunity. Let's stop treating it like an afterthought,' Shozi added. She also suggested that the poor quality of refuse bags being distributed be looked into. Patrick Pillay, leader of the Democratic Liberal Congress (DLC), said the monitoring and implementation of this strategy lies with the eThekwini committees. Pillay urged councillors in the committees to be proactive to ensure the strategy is a success story. 'Despite all the fancy words used to describe the strategy our residents need service delivery. They want to live in a clean environment,' he said. Sunitha Maharaj, Minority Front councillor, said that one of the biggest challenges for CSW has always been service delivery protests. 'What we do not support is any move to impose tariff increases on the public to keep the unit financially viable. We say this because of the lack of accountability and transparency by the municipality previously in terms of reporting progress challenges and corrective measures,' she said. Maharaj was concerned about the municipality having the capacity or if there is a political will to realise the reform goals. She said the Supply Chain Management must be held accountable for delays and must ensure that contract management is strengthened on awarded contracts to the most responsive tenderer. Nkosenhle Madlala, ANC eThekwini councillor, said waste management in the city has gone through some serious challenges including the mushrooming of informal settlements overnight that were not budgeted for in CSW. He said the strategy gives the municipality a chance to turn things around and restore confidence in local government. 'Let us commend the turnaround we have seen in terms of the cleanliness of our streets. We moved a long way from where we were to where we are now in terms of the cleanliness of our city but we are not masking any challenges. A lot still needs to be done and we are happy this strategy is here,' he said. Henricus van der Ryst, Freedom Front Plus councillor, said that National Treasury should look at informing people about waste management at grassroot level such as primary schools. He was concerned about the funding burden placed only on some paying residents. Saneli Zuma, ActionSA councillor, said there was a culture of negligence from both residents and businesses who continue to discard waste irresponsibly, as well as illegal dumping in and around township areas. 'Let us not allow this to become yet another strategy adopted in council that never sees the light of day," she said. [email protected]
IOL News
6 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Are commissions in South Africa a tool for justice or a shield for corruption?
Chief Justice Raymond Zondo chaired the Judicial Commission into State Capture. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Image: Karen Sandison/African News Agency (ANA) FORMER EFF politician Mbuyiseni Ndlozi argues that a president cannot find anyone guilty, advocating instead for proper judicial commissions of inquiry, led by a judge, with strict timelines. He deems this 'proper' for a democracy. However, the subsequent analysis of South African commissions reveals how they often fall short of this ideal, instead perpetuating systemic violence and delaying justice. The Commissions Act, 1947 (Act No 8 of 1947), used for inquiries such as the Zondo Commission on State Capture, originated under British colonial rule. This embedded a legalistic façade for systemic violence. It enabled apartheid-era inquiries, such as the Hefer Commission (2003) and Donen Commission (2002), which probed 'financial irregularities' while ignoring Black suffering under racial capitalism. Like colonial inquests pathologising indigenous resistance, modern commissions prioritise bureaucratic order over human dignity. Tebogo Thobejane's condemnation: 'No mention of the lack of protection… left to fight alone,' echoes this centuries-old erasure. After surviving an assassination attempt, she now navigates a trial process offering legal theatrics, not safety. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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This pattern repeats in Thobejane's case as her ex-boyfriend's corruption trial expands while her paralysed friend remains unsupported. Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) heard 21 000 victims' testimonies but granted amnesty to 1 500 perpetrators, providing only nominal reparations. This dynamic inherits colonial evidence-gathering: Black pain becomes archival fodder, catalogued and then discarded. As Thobejane noted, President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches often overlook victims, reducing their experiences to procedural footnotes. Commission structures inherently protect power networks. The Mokgoro Commission (2018) and Ginwala Inquiry (2007) scrutinised prosecutors threatening political elites under the NPA Act. Inquiries into police violence, such as those in Khayelitsha (2012), operated with weaker mandates. This bifurcation mirrors colonial divide-and-rule tactics, ensuring accountability often evaporates. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry, for instance, yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Victims like Thobejane experience justice as temporary violence, marked by endless postponements while perpetrators retain influence. Ramaphosa's latest commission of inquiry investigating the now suspended chief of police, Senzo Mchunu, offers suspension, not prosecution. Judicial appointments cloak commissions in false objectivity. Retired judges like Judge Ian Farlam (Marikana) and Seriti (Arms Deal) lent legitimacy to inquiries that ultimately shielded the interests of the state and corporations. The President's latest 'independent commission' further demonstrates how these bodies often obscure underlying political complexities and power struggles. This legal theatre pathologises victims: Marikana miners were framed as 'illegal strikers', while Thobejane's assault became a tabloid spectacle. Colonial inquiries similarly recast resistance as deviance, using statutes to sanctify state violence. When commissions centre perpetrators' due process over victims' safety, they enact 'racial terror through bureaucracy'. The TRC's unresolved legacy continues to haunt contemporary commissions. Thirty years later, only 137 of its recommended prosecutions have been investigated, while apartheid-era cases like the Cradock Four murders remain in legal limbo. Nomonde Calata's tears at a 2025 inquest echo her 1996 TRC testimony, testifying to the commission's broken promises. Thobejane's demand for 'accountability and support' confronts this cycle; her ex-boyfriend faces new charges while his police and political connections remain intact. Reparations remain theoretical: TRC victims received a single payment of R30 000 each, while Marikana families await R1 billion in compensation. This reflects colonialism's core calculus: human suffering indexed against fiscal 'pragmatism'. Breaking this machinery requires centring victims as architects, not evidence. Unlike Ramaphosa's commissions, a transformative approach would enforce existing recommendations: implementing the Khayelitsha Commission's 2012 police reforms, funding TRC-mandated educational reparations, and prosecuting the network of Thobejane's ex-boyfriend beyond his hitmen. Thobejane's couragec — demanding protection while testifying — sets a model for this agency. Yet, without dismantling the Commissions Act and colonial-era legalisms, inquiries remain stone fortresses where violence is ritualised, not remedied. South Africa remains fractured by inequality, a landscape where commissions consecrate state power while the vulnerable fight alone in the ruins. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. 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IOL News
6 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Four years after the flames: the lingering scars of July 2021
Motor vehicles were set alight on Phoenix Highway during the unrest in Phoenix, north of Durban. The writer says the community of Phoenix, where he serves, became the unfortunate epicenter of the storm. Image: Motshwari Mofokeng/African News Agency (ANA) JULY 2025 marked four years since one of South Africa's darkest modern moments - the unprecedented unrest that swept across KwaZulu-Natal and parts of Gauteng, in the wake of former President Jacob Zuma's incarceration. What began ostensibly as protests against the arrest of a former head of state quickly devolved into a full-scale attempted insurrection, revealing the deeper, festering wounds of a society teetering on the edge of collapse. While the political trigger was clear, it was merely a spark to a powder keg long in the making: mass unemployment, entrenched poverty, a failing state, and the devastating socio-economic fallout of the Covid-19 pandemic. It was not just a protest - it was a desperate cry from a people disillusioned with their government and abandoned by the promise of democracy. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Phoenix: a town at the crossroads of crisis The community of Phoenix, where I proudly serve, became the unfortunate epicenter of the storm. When looters and violent instigators advanced toward homes, businesses, and places of worship, residents stood up. Men and women, young and old, took up the mantle of self-defence - not out of hate, but out of fear. They did what the state failed to do: they protected lives, livelihoods, and the very fabric of their communities. But amid that defensive stance, a terrible tragedy unfolded. A few individuals - acting outside the bounds of law and without the mandate of any community - targeted people based not on behaviour, but on skin colour. Innocent lives were lost. Families were shattered. Children were orphaned. The names of Delani Hadebe, Mondli Majola, and others - black and Indian - echo as chilling reminders that hatred and racial profiling have no place in a democratic society. Let us be clear: these individuals who committed racialised violence do not represent Phoenix. They do not represent the Indian community, nor any other community. Their actions tarnished a town that was, for the most part, standing for what was right. And even now, four years later, Phoenix still carries a stigma that it does not deserve - a burden placed on the shoulders of people who had nothing to do with those isolated acts of hatred. The racial wedge: a wound reopened The unrest deepened the racial divide, especially between black and Indian communities. Opportunists and unscrupulous individuals, some with political motives, exploited the violence to pit South Africans against one another. They used social media to inflame tensions and spread misinformation. It became easier to blame a race than to blame the real culprits - the masterminds, the failed state security apparatus, and the rotten political elite. But amid that darkness, there were lights of hope. A statesman among us: the peacemaking of Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi Few leaders rose to the occasion in the way the late Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi did. As former Prime Minister to the Zulu monarch and President Emeritus of the IFP, he carried moral authority across racial, ethnic, and political lines. In the days and weeks following the unrest, he made tireless efforts to calm tensions, traveling to communities on both sides of the divide, encouraging dialogue, compassion, and unity. It was Prince Buthelezi who reminded us of our shared destiny, of the legacy of struggle that both Indians and black South Africans had jointly inherited from history. It was he who said: "We are not enemies - we are neighbors, friends, family." His efforts brokered peace when government officials were nowhere to be seen. Today, more than ever, we miss his leadership - his voice of reason, his moral compass, his quiet but unwavering courage. Security failures and political cowardice Perhaps the most damning indictment of that period was the sheer failure of the state to anticipate, contain, or prevent the unrest. South Africa's intelligence agencies failed to detect the planning. The Minister of Defence at the time flatly denied any signs of an insurrection, even as cities burned. The president's response was slow and unconvincing. Worse still, the very architects of the chaos - the so-called "commanders" of the uprising, many of whom are now seated comfortably as Members of Parliament, some in the ANC and others in the MK Party - have evaded justice. The silence of law enforcement and the inaction of the prosecuting authority make a mockery of justice. It is a betrayal to the people who died, to the families who mourn, and to the country that still suffers. Lingering aftershocks Economically, thousands of small businesses never reopened. Jobs were lost, and informal traders were devastated. Socially, trauma still lives in the eyes of our elders, in the anxiety of our children, and in the conversations we whisper at dinner tables. Politically, the unrest laid bare the true fragility of our state and the recklessness of those in power. Today, in 2025, there are rumblings once again. A statement by KwaZulu-Natal's Police Commissioner has implicated Minister Senzo Mchunu and associates in conversations that could hint at fresh unrest. One can only hope this time, the government will act swiftly and decisively. We cannot afford another July 2021. The cost would be too great. Honouring the heroes, mourning the fallen We owe a great debt to the many brave South Africans who defended our communities - not with hatred, but with heart. People of all races formed human chains to protect shopping malls, food depots, and homes. They guarded one another, treated the wounded, comforted the grieving, and fed the hungry. We remember those who died at the hands of criminals - not just as statistics, but as sons, daughters, mothers, and fathers. People like Mondli Majola, whose bravery was evident in his final moments. People like Delani Hadebe, who was in the wrong place at the wrong time. They are not forgotten. They never will be. Looking ahead As we reflect on the past four years, let us commit to truth, justice, and healing. Let us reject the politics of division and the lies of opportunists. Let us defend our democracy - not only from those who seek to destroy it with fire and bullets - but from those who poison it with silence, denial, and impunity. South Africa is wounded, yes - but not broken. We have been betrayed, yes - but we are not without hope. If we are to rise from these ashes, we must do it together. In unity. In peace. And with courage. Jonathan Annipen Image: Supplied Jonathan Annipen is an IFP Councillor in the eThekwini Municipality and serves as the Whip on the Finance Committee. He writes in his personal capacity. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media. THE POST
IOL News
15-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Cachalia's appointment met with mixed reactions
Former anti-apartheid activist and academic Professor Firoz Cachalia. Image: Picture: Bongiwe Mchunu/African News Agency (ANA) INCOMING acting police minister Professor Firoz Cachalia says the focus will be on the effectiveness of the police in dealing with crime, particularly those that have a strong impact on communities. "I'm still wrapping my head around what the priorities need to be," he said on Monday, a day after President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed him to hold the fort in place of Senzo Mchunu. Mchunu will be taking a leave of absence from his official duties following serious allegations against him by the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Commissioner of the South African Police Service (SAPS), Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. Mkhwanazi accused Mchunu and Deputy National Commissioner for Crime Detection Lieutenant General Shadrack Sibiya of corruption, political interference, and being involved in a drug cartel. Central to the controversy is the disbandment of the political killings task team, the freezing of posts for crime intelligence, which has left KZN with vacant positions, among others. Both Mchunu and Sibiya have publicly dismissed the allegations that will now form the basis of a commission of inquiry to be headed by current Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. Ramaphosa said the allegations against Mchunu, if not addressed, would have a negative impact on the country. The EFF has taken issue with Cachalia's appointment, saying appointing an 'outside' will further burden the already overstretched taxpayer. Cachalia officially takes over from next month. "The taxpayers will pay for Mchunu's vacation and time off to go and consolidate his associates in the syndicates exposed by Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi," said EFF spokesperson Sinaw Thambo. Thambo also questioned the constitutional validity of Cachalia's appointment, arguing that Section 91 (3) (c) of the Constitution does not apply to the appointment of an acting minister. "The President of the Republic is therefore either surrounded by incompetent advisors, legally and otherwise, or he is surrounded by advisors so cunning that they have weaponised our Constitution to enhance ANC patronage and defend the corrupt," said Thambo. "The EFF is appalled by the decision of President Cyril Ramaphosa to place Minister Senzo Mchunu on 'special leave' instead of removing him entirely from his position. This so-called 'special leave' is a cowardly deflection, designed to shield a minister whose involvement in organised crime has been laid bare by Mkhwanazi." uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said Ramaphosa had had an opportunity to take South Africa into confidence and to deal with these issues decisively. 'Instead, he calls for a commission of inquiry, and he expects South Africa to be patient when people are dying on a daily basis,' Ndhlela said. The Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice weighed on Cachalia's appointment, saying: 'The appointment of Professor Cachalia—however qualified—symbolizes the President's deepening disconnect from public sentiment, even as it deepens the mistrust and resentment in a president deeply embroiled in suspicions and allegations of criminal acts and covering up those acts. South Africans are not demanding more elite commissions or carefully calculated reshuffles. They are demanding accountability, action, and political courage… Swapping out ministers or parachuting new faces may look good on paper, but it does nothing to confront the entrenched networks of corruption hollowing out our criminal justice system.' Meanwhile, high office bearers within Ramaphosa's Cabinet have revealed that Mathale was angry at being overlooked to take over from Mchunu. Mathale has been the deputy police minister since former president Jacob Zuma's tenure. 'The question as to why comrade president (Ramaphosa) has appointed an outsider remains unknown because Mathale has been in the game for a long time… he has been overlooked because he has since been known as a Zuma person. 'It's a little strange, really, as to why it was not automatic that either Polly Boshielo or Cassel Mathale had not taken over,' the source said. Cape Times
IOL News
09-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Four years after the July riots, SA's crime intelligence remains broken
2021 July riots aftermath: Is South Africa's crime intelligence still failing? Image: Doctor Ngcobo/African News Agency(ANA) Four years ago today, South Africa witnessed one of the most violent episodes of civil unrest since the dawn of democracy. The July 2021 riots in some parts of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng, left more than 300 people dead, caused an estimated R50 billion in economic damage, and exposed deep cracks in the country's security apparatus. Now, as the anniversary passes, those cracks remain — especially in crime intelligence, which insiders and experts say is still plagued by dysfunction, corruption, and internal power struggles. This week, KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi laid bare ongoing failures in the country's justice system as South Africa marks the fourth anniversary of the riots that claimed more than 300 lives and cost the economy an estimated R50 billion. DA parliamentary portfolio committee chair of police, Ian Cameron said that since the riots, crime intelligence (CI) has not improved in the province. "It has not been beefed up since 2021, especially with the current controversy regarding management of the SAPS and many people being implicated in many different things. I cannot say with confidence that crime intelligence within the SAPS has been adequately increased," Cameron said. Four years post-riots: The ongoing crisis in South Africa's crime intelligence. Image: Doctor Ngcobo/African News Agency(ANA) Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ A police source who spoke to IOL on condition of anonymity and who was on the frontline of the riots in 2021 said he believes that after the riots there was visible improvements due to pressure placed on the police's top brass. However, the officer said that as internal factions grew within the police - in the years after the riots - so did the morale of the rank and file members "High ranking officers made it dysfunctional as they used crime intelligence to fight internal battles to remove honest cops who were against them and who would not be part of their corruption as their intentions were to loot secret funds from CI," the officer said. He went on to claim that they also used crime intelligence resources to unlawfully eavesdrop on politicians by high ranking police officers based at the KZN Provincial Headquarters. "Crime intelligence is weak because funds were stolen. Now there is no money to pay informers to give info on organised crime syndicates," he added. KZN violence monitor Mary de Haas told IOL that the province remains plagued by abnormally high levels of violence. "Highly sophisticated unknown forces are attempting to destabilise the province," said De Haas. "This is a warning, especially in light of the standoff between the provincial commissioner and the police minister." De Haas also cited circulating messages alleging that Mkhwanazi should be left alone, or further unrest would erupt. Is South Africa's Crime Intelligence Failing? A Look Four Years After the July Riots. Image: Doctor Ngcobo/African News Agency(ANA) Looting remains a persistent threat in the province. On Tuesday, passersby looted a truck carrying rice after it overturned on the N3 at Van Reenen's Pass. "Thousands of 10kg bags of Tastic rice were removed by passing motorists and local residents," said Reaction Unit South Africa. Private security has again come under the spotlight. Manhar Parshotam, founder of Dragon Protection Services, criticised the SAPS for failing to stop the violence. "I have rarely seen police officers dedicated to their work. It was the security companies and their members who worked tirelessly throughout," Parshotam said. He recalled the chaos in 2021, likening the crowd of looters at Berea Centre to the Comrades Marathon. In 2022, then-police minister Bheki Cele told the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) that state intelligence withheld crucial information that could have helped SAPS respond more effectively. He also blamed bureaucratic red tape for hampering public safety. "It was clear something was coming. Preparations would have helped. Several hundred million rands' worth of equipment remains unused due to legal constraints," Cele said, citing laws requiring multiple ministerial approvals before crime intelligence can deploy surveillance tools. University of Johannesburg research associate and crime expert Calvin Rafadi agreed that the violence was orchestrated. "The scale and coordination overwhelmed law enforcement," he said. "Our crime intelligence and state security services were caught off guard. These provinces were targeted for their large populations and high unemployment and drug use rates." He noted this created fertile ground for opportunistic looting, with many residents seizing the chance to benefit from the chaos. IOL News Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel.
