Latest news with #AinAlHilweh
The National
04-06-2025
- Entertainment
- The National
How Lebanese singer and fugitive Fadel Chaker keeps releasing songs while on the run
Fadel Chaker's hit single, Ahla Rasma, raises as many questions as it answers. The song – a lush ballad in the style he's renowned for – reaffirms the timeless notion that love is best expressed without conditions. But that clarity doesn't extend to his place in the Arabic music industry or his complex relationship with regional audiences. Despite his undeniable appeal as a talented singer and composer, Chaker, 56, remains a convicted fugitive, with a 22-year prison sentence still in place. That he continues to release music and enjoy regional acclaim while evading Lebanese justice highlights both the fractures in Lebanese society and a disconnect between fans and the man behind the music. Ahla Rasma continues Chaker's return to the musical limelight, more than a decade after embracing a strictly conservative view of Islam that rejects popular music and brought him into conflict with the Lebanese army. Following his retirement in 2012, he adopted the name Hajj Chaker and pledged allegiance to Lebanese Sunni firebrand cleric Ahmed al-Assir – a move that led him to take up arms with supporters during the 2013 clashes against the Lebanese army that left 18 soldiers dead. Chaker was later sentenced in absentia to 22 years of hard labour. The ruling remains unenforced, with Chaker reportedly still in hiding at the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp. Despite his confined circumstances, Chaker continues to release music to significant success. Ahla Rasma has already been streamed more than 40 million times since being released on YouTube in April. It follows a steady number of releases since his return to popular music after years spent exclusively recording Islamic hymns – a shift that began with 2018 comeback single Shab'an Min Al Tamtheel. How does Chaker still release music? Chaker's growing playlist is made possible through geography and technology. He remains elusive in Ain al-Hilweh – a self-governed enclave inaccessible to Lebanese police and army due to a reportedly unofficial understanding stemming from the now-annulled 1969 Cairo Agreement between the Lebanese government and the Palestine Liberation Organisation. When it comes to recording the songs themselves, Chaker provided insight into the process in a 2018 interview with website Arabic Post, in which he described recording Shab'an Min Al Tamtheel, the theme song for Egyptian television drama Ladina Aqwal Okhra, by having the song's arrangements recorded abroad – in this case, Egypt – before being sent to him. Chaker would then add his vocals and send it back to the producers for mixing and mastering. That straightforward approach is also reflected in Chaker's music videos, which are often performance-based and shot in a studio space. The songs' presence on major streaming platforms – including Spotify and Apple Music – despite lacking a record label, suggests Chaker is using digital distribution services. Platforms such as DistroKid, TuneCore, or CD Baby enable independent artists to release music globally by providing proof of ownership. Chaker or his representatives have yet to make an official statement on which service he uses. How has the response to Chaker's new music been? Chaker's re-emergence drew mixed reactions. While his comeback single Shab'an Min Al Tamtheel went regionally viral, the public backlash prompted Egyptian production company AG Group to remove the song from the television drama Ladina Aqwal Okhra. Series creator Medhat El Adl later described the decision to use the track as an error of judgment, telling broadcaster Sada El Balad: 'We didn't study the legal standpoint regarding Fadel Chaker in Lebanon. We basically made our decision from a purely artistic perspective.' The outcry had a chilling effect on the music industry, with peers rarely mentioning or expressing support for Chaker. One notable exception was Egyptian singer Sherine Abdelwahab, whose controversial visit to Ain Al Hilweh in 2022 for an undisclosed meeting with Chaker led to her being summoned for questioning by Lebanese authorities, before being released without charge. This year's documentary series Ya Ghayeb … Fadel Chaker – featuring a sit-down interview in which Chaker tells his side of the story – was also met with ambivalent critical reception, with some critics accusing it of downplaying the crimes he stands convicted of. All of this points to a career in limbo. Chaker's return is neither a full-fledged comeback nor a rebranding. His songs are recorded in undisclosed locations and released without co-ordinated promotional efforts or supporting concerts. While the appeal is undeniable, Chaker's career and personal life remain stalled until his legal status is definitively resolved.
LBCI
28-05-2025
- General
- LBCI
Armed factions in Ain al-Hilweh complicate disarmament efforts amid deep-rooted militant presence
Report by Edmond Sassine, English adaptation by Karine Keuchkerian Looking at the map of Ain al-Hilweh camp's neighborhoods and the distribution of Palestinian factions' influence illustrates the complexity any disarmament plan will face. The largest of the 12 Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon and considered the symbolic capital of the Palestinian diaspora in the country, Ain al-Hilweh sits in the heart of the city of Sidon. Control over its neighborhoods is divided among several armed groups, including Fatah, Osbat al-Ansar, Hamas, various hardline factions, and others. Influence overlaps within individual neighborhoods and even among the camp's narrow alleyways. The camp contains a range of medium and heavy weapons. One of the most complex issues is the presence of extremist groups affiliated with the Islamic State group, Al-Nusra Front, and Fatah al-Islam — including the Bilal Badr group. These groups include Lebanese, Palestinians, and individuals of other nationalities. Hamas may play a key role in potential negotiations. However, due to internal Palestinian divisions, it remains too early to determine how this dilemma might be resolved. These groups have contributed to the destruction of parts of the camp. However, past experience suggests Lebanese security forces are capable of dealing with them — especially with Palestinian cooperation. Following the assassination of the Palestinian National Security chief in Sidon, Maj. Gen. Abu Ashraf al-Armoushi, in July 2023 and the fighting that ensued, Lebanese army intelligence — using surveillance cameras, engineering maps, and the testimony of a wounded individual — identified and arrested members of Bilal Badr's group of 14, which was responsible for the killing. The situation in the camp presents a serious obstacle to any disarmament plan. More importantly, it has become a humanitarian disaster for both the Palestinians and the residents of Sidon. Between July 29 and September 14, 2023, the fighting killed 28 people and wounded 233 others while destroying large swaths of public and private property in both the camp and the city. Thousands were displaced, adding to the hardship faced by Ain al-Hilweh's residents. In the end, Palestinian weapons in Lebanon's largest camp have been used primarily to kill Palestinians and Lebanese and to destroy the camp itself. All of this underscores the urgent need to end the dominance of armed groups in Ain al-Hilweh and to ensure the safety and stability of its residents, both socially and in terms of security.
LBCI
27-05-2025
- General
- LBCI
Lebanon's struggle to disarm Palestinian camps: Obstacles surface before first phase
Report by Edmond Sassine, English adaptation by Yasmine Jaroudi The process of disarming Palestinian factions in Lebanon is shaping up to be far from straightforward, as significant obstacles begin to surface even before the first phases are fully underway. According to sources closely following the developments, deep-rooted internal disagreements within the Palestinian leadership could delay or derail the disarmament roadmap. A key point of contention lies within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) itself, where two factions disagree on whether disarmament is a realistic or even achievable goal. One of these factions reportedly rejects the idea altogether, casting early doubts on the plan's feasibility. Beyond the PLO and its dominant faction, Fatah, the armed landscape inside Lebanon's 12 Palestinian camps is much more complex. Other powerful groups operate alongside the PLO, including the factions known as the "Alliance," such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine –General Command (PFLP-GC), and Fatah al-Intifada. While the PLO may be the strongest actor in many camps, it does not hold a monopoly on power. In camps where Hamas holds significant sway, especially in shared strongholds, the process becomes even more complicated. The presence of extremist elements, particularly in the Ain al-Hilweh camp, adds another layer of difficulty. Ain al-Hilweh, the largest and most volatile Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon, has witnessed multiple rounds of armed clashes between Fatah and extremist groups that control several neighborhoods. The camp is heavily armed, with factions and militants possessing medium and heavy weaponry that have devastated parts of the camp and led to temporary mass displacement of residents. Nearby, the Miyeh w Miyeh camp is divided among the PLO, the Alliance factions, and the group Ansar Allah, further complicating any unified approach to disarmament. In the Tyre region camps, Fatah remains the dominant force. Still, medium and heavy weapons, including rockets used by Hamas and Islamic Jihad to strike Israel during the last war, remain present and active. Even in the camps set to be addressed during the initial two phases—Mar Elias, Shatila, and Borj El Brajneh in Beirut, followed by Beddaoui in the north and Al-Jalil in Baalbek—concerns persist. While these camps are believed to house only limited amounts of medium and heavy arms, observers fear that unresolved disputes between Palestinian factions could stall disarmament efforts. Adding to the complexity is the presence of extremist fighters in the Sabra-Shatila corridor, specifically in areas behind the Sports City complex. These elements, although not affiliated with mainstream factions, could pose a significant threat to stability and hinder efforts to control or collect weapons.
