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Shafaq News
a day ago
- Business
- Shafaq News
No end in sight: Iraq's Parliament drowns in delays and disagreements
Shafaq News With fewer than a week remaining until the scheduled end of Iraq's parliamentary recess, mounting political tensions and strategic stalling tactics are drawing renewed scrutiny. Multiple lawmakers have confirmed the existence of internal pressures by party leaders and bloc heads to delay parliamentary sessions and obstruct legislative progress. The motivations, they warn, are deeply political—ranging from efforts to avoid passing controversial laws to shielding the government and certain factions from public embarrassment ahead of national elections. This institutional stagnation comes at a critical moment. Iraq's legislature, formally in recess until July 9, has already missed a series of opportunities to address pending legislation, including laws with direct implications for security, governance, and electoral integrity. According to observers, the political inertia reflects a broader dysfunction rooted in partisan interests and a long-standing system of consensus politics that many believe has paralyzed representative governance. Laws Blocked, Accountability Avoided Parliamentary sources, including members of the Finance Committee and independent MPs, have confirmed that both contentious and non-contentious laws remain frozen. Among the most prominent examples is the draft law on the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). According to MP Mohammed Qutayba al-Bayati, secretary-general of the National Braves Party, the PMF law faces deep intra-Shiite disagreements over core provisions related to leadership and retirement regulations. Al-Bayati told Shafaq News that the legislature is unlikely to convene before the scheduled end of its recess, despite growing calls from lawmakers to resume parliamentary work. Even if the Council of Representatives reconvenes promptly, the fate of the PMF law—as well as other key legislation—will hinge on political consensus. 'These laws will not be passed without a clear political agreement among faction leaders,' he emphasized. Beyond the PMF file, other proposals affecting broad sectors of the population have also stalled. Al-Bayati pointed out that even laws with no direct political controversy remain suspended. Among them is the federal general budget for 2025, which the parliament has yet to receive from the government. The delay is particularly striking given that more than half the fiscal year has already passed. Finance Committee member Moeen al-Kadhimi anticipated that the budget draft would be submitted by early July following Cabinet approval. Yet another committee member, Jamal Kocher, expressed doubt over whether the government will forward the budget to parliament at all. Kocher raised concerns about the potential use of the budget process as a platform for electoral promotion, implying that political calculations could again override institutional obligations. Coordinated Absences, Factional Maneuvering For Independent MP Haitham al-Fahd, the paralysis is not coincidental. He attributed the legislative deadlock to deliberate pressure from political leaders seeking to prevent sensitive laws from surfacing before the elections. Speaking to Shafaq News, he confirmed that numerous MPs have recently called for parliament to interrupt its recess and resume sessions to vote on urgent laws, including the PMF statute, electoral commission restructuring, and other regulatory matters. However, political leadership appears to be withholding support. 'Some of these laws could put the government or specific parties in a difficult position,' al-Fahd explained, 'which is why there is visible hesitation, if not outright avoidance.' He added that there are real and varied motives behind the obstruction of sessions. Among them is the decision by some Kurdish MPs to boycott proceedings in response to the federal government's failure to release salaries to the Kurdistan Region. Others, he noted, are avoiding parliament to block potential amendments to the election law—seen by some as a threat to their electoral prospects. A third group reportedly fears that pushing through legislation like the PMF law could increase pressure on the prime minister, who is already navigating a dense political minefield. 'We remain firmly committed to passing priority laws, especially those on the PMF,' al-Fahd said. 'But internal bloc dynamics and political maneuvering continue to prevent the Council from doing its job.' Parliament's Diminished Role According to political analyst Mujashaa al-Tamimi, the dysfunction runs far deeper than the current recession. In his view, Iraq's parliament has increasingly taken on the form of a 'silent institution'—a body that exists in name but has lost much of its legislative and oversight capacity. Al-Tamimi attributes this decline to the entrenchment of ethno-sectarian power-sharing arrangements, or "muhasasa," which have institutionalized elite pacts at the expense of genuine deliberative governance. He told Shafaq News that the State Administration Coalition—the post-October 2021 political framework composed of major Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish factions—has prioritized political balance over state-building. 'Decision-making has been reduced to behind-the-scenes agreements based on partisan interest…effectively neutralizing parliament's role in passing strategic laws that impact citizens' daily lives.' Al-Tamimi also recalled the alternative proposed by the head of the Patriotic Shiite Movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, who in 2021 called for abandoning the consensus model in favor of a 'national majority government.' Al-Sadr's vision aimed to empower parliament to hold the executive accountable and legislate independently of elite bargaining. However, the collapse of that project—and the reassertion of consensus politics—has returned the legislature to a state of inertia. Ongoing divisions among political blocs, coupled with the absence of genuine reform willpower, have, in al-Tamimi's words, 'reduced the parliament to a procedural entity without real influence.' The consequence, he warned, is a sharp decline in public trust and a hollowing of Iraq's democratic institutions. Missed Sessions, Electoral Risks The evidence of legislative underperformance is quantifiable. Shafaq News conducted a review in April 2025 showing that Iraq's fifth parliamentary session had completed only 51 percent of its scheduled sittings, as mandated by the Council's internal bylaws. Since January 2022, the Council has convened only 132 sessions—far below the required standard of 256 annual sittings, or eight sessions per month across two four-month legislative terms. This legislative absenteeism has real implications. The delay in passing the federal budget, electoral law amendments, and public sector reforms is stalling governance across all levels. The lack of parliamentary action is also threatening the timeline for the next general election. Iraq's Independent High Electoral Commission has scheduled the upcoming vote for November 2025, following a prior postponement linked to legal and procedural delays. Failure to resolve the legal framework and pass key laws—especially concerning the electoral commission and voting procedures—could jeopardize the election's credibility or even delay it further. Political observers caution that absent a fundamental change in institutional behavior, the upcoming polls may replicate past patterns of low turnout, fragmented participation, and disputed outcomes.
Shafaq News
25-02-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
First resignation in Kirkuk's new administration
Shafaq News/ On Tuesday, Jaafar Abbas Al-Bayati, the Deputy Governor of Kirkuk for Administrative and Financial Affairs, announced his resignation, stating that his position no longer served the interests of the province's residents in a fair and just manner. In a statement, Al-Bayati explained that he found himself in 'an environment that conflicted with his convictions and principles, where public interest was overshadowed by other considerations.' He further clarified that he had initially accepted the position with the hope of preserving the achievements made by the federal government and security forces following the liberation of the province from ISIS. 'I have never and will never prioritize my position over the interests of the people of Kirkuk, especially the original Turkmen population,' Al-Bayati concluded, expressing his decision to stand with his people, regardless of the cost.
Shafaq News
22-02-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Tracking down ISIS in Iraq: From rugged terrain to DNA identification
Shafaq News/ Since early 2025, Iraqi security forces have intensified operations against ISIS remnants, successfully eliminating prominent leaders and dismantling active cells. Utilizing advanced intelligence and forensic techniques, including DNA analysis, authorities are unmasking militants and securing volatile areas with support from the US-led Global Coalition. ISIS Exploiting Iraq's Rugged Terrain ISIS controlled vast areas of Iraq in 2014 before being territorially defeated in 2017 by the Iraqi Army, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), and the Peshmerga, with support from the US-led Coalition. However, scattered ISIS cells remain active in regions such as Wadi Daquq, Zarka, and Zghaitun in Kirkuk, as well as the borderlands between Saladin and Diyala. These militants exploit difficult landscapes, particularly Wadi Al-Shay, where valleys, mountain ranges, caves, and water bodies make military access challenging. To the northwest, the Mama Mountain range stretches across the Al-Dibis district (70 km northwest of Kirkuk), reaching the Altun Kupri subdistrict, which connects to Erbil and Nineveh. These harsh terrains provide cover for ISIS operatives to regroup and launch attacks against security forces and civilians. Closing Security Gaps, Targeting ISIS Leadership The Joint Operations Command (JOC) remains focused on eradicating ISIS presence in these vulnerable areas. According to security expert Ali Al-Bayati, efforts are intensifying in hotspots such as Wadi al-Shay, Zarka, Zghaitun, and the Al-Fatha region of Saladin, where militants continue to seek refuge. "Full security control over these areas will eliminate any remaining ISIS activity," Al-Bayati told Shafaq News, noting that ISIS still relies on small hideouts to stage attacks. Al-Bayati pointed out that strengthening intelligence coordination and surveillance has been key to countering these threats. Since early 2025, Iraqi airstrikes have killed at least 52 ISIS fighters, including high-ranking leaders. "This has significantly bolstered security along the borders of Kirkuk, Saladin, Diyala, and Nineveh," an Iraqi Army officer confirmed to Shafaq News. "The terrorist group has lost most of its leadership, and those remaining are merely scattered cells hiding in the Hamrin Mountains, valleys, and caves between Kirkuk, Tuz Khurmatu, and Al-Dibis,' the officer added, speaking on condition of anonymity. Global Coalition Support: Drones and DNA ISIS operatives use rugged terrain to evade detection, making it difficult for conventional ground forces to track them. Retired Brig. Gen. Mahmoud Al-Jubouri explained that 'airstrikes in these areas are complicated due to hard-to-reach locations, whether by vehicle or on foot.' To counter this, Iraqi forces rely on precise intelligence from the US-led Coalition, particularly from American and French forces, for tracking terrorist movements. Coalition drones, according to Al-Jubouri, provide "highly precise aerial intelligence," allowing Iraqi forces to strike deep into ISIS strongholds. A critical factor in these successful operations is Iraq's "comprehensive database" of ISIS operatives. Analysts estimate that 90% of eliminated targets were previously detained militants, whose biometric data—fingerprints and DNA—were recorded in US-controlled prisons during the occupation. In the aftermath of strikes, forensic experts rely on genetic fingerprinting to confirm the identities of dead militants. According to genetics expert Abbas Ahmed, DNA analysis is one of the most precise methods of identification, particularly when dealing with decomposed or heavily damaged bodies. "One of the most effective methods for DNA extraction is from bone tissue, especially the femur, and teeth, as these preserve genetic material for extended periods," Ahmed explained to Shafaq News. If soft tissues are available, they are also viable for testing, while hair follicles provide a secondary source of genetic material. When nuclear DNA is too degraded to analyze, forensic teams turn to mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis, which allows identification by comparing genetic material with maternal relatives. 'This has become an essential tool in forensic investigations of ISIS fatalities," Ahmed stated.
