Latest news with #Al-Hadath
Nahar Net
2 days ago
- Business
- Nahar Net
Araghchi reportedly tells Rajji Hezbollah disarmament a 'Lebanese decision'
by Naharnet Newsdesk 4 hours Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi on Tuesday told his Lebanese counterpart Youssef Rajji in a meeting in Beirut that the issue of disarming Hezbollah is a decision that is up to Lebanon to take, sources told Al-Arabiya's Al-Hadath channel. Araghchi also told Rajji that, in his personal opinion, 'diplomacy alone might not be sufficient' to end Israel's occupation of parts of south Lebanon, MTV reported. Rajji meanwhile told the Iranian visitor that 'there will be no reconstruction funds without disarming Hezbollah.' He also told him that 'coordination between the two countries should pass through the state' and that 'solutions should come through diplomacy,' the sources told Al-Hadath. Rajji added that 'military adventures' had not ended Israel's occupation and that 'they have put Lebanon in a difficult situation,' the sources added. Araghchi also met with Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. 'We look forward to having relations (with Lebanon) based on mutual respect and non-interference in each country's internal affairs,' Araghchi told reporters after meeting Berri. He added that Iran backs a national dialogue in Lebanon between rival groups. Iran condemns the occupation of Lebanese territories 'by the Zionist entity and supports all efforts exerted by the Lebanese government and people to expel the occupiers through any way including diplomatic methods," Araghchi said, referring to five posts Israel refused to withdraw from earlier this year. Iranian companies are ready to take part in Lebanon's reconstruction if the Lebanese government wants that, Araghchi added. Araghchi's visit comes after Iran's main Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, was weakened by a 14-month war with Israel that left much of the Iran-backed group's political and military leadership dead. Araghchi's visit is his first since October, which came at the height of the Israel-Hezbollah war that ended a month later with a U.S.-brokered ceasefire. The war killed more than 4,000 in Lebanon, displaced over 1 million people and caused destruction that the World Bank said will coast $11 billion in reconstruction. Since the war ended, army commander Joseph Aoun was elected president and prominent jurist and diplomat Nawaf Salam became the country's prime minister. Both Aoun and Salam have repeatedly said that only the state will monopolize the use of weapons in Lebanon. The visit also comes after the government of Syrian President Bashar Assad was removed from power in December by insurgent groups opposed to Iran's influence in the region. Assad was one of Tehran's closest allies in the Arab world and his country was a main link for the flow of weapons from Iran to Hezbollah. Over the past decades, Iran funded Hezbollah with billions of dollars and sent all types of weapons to the Lebanese group enjoying wide influence in the small nation through. Since the Israel-Hezbollah war ended, Lebanese authorities have taken tight measures at Beirut's airport to prevent the flow of funds from Iran to Hezbollah and flights by Iranian companies have been suspended to Beirut.
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Hamas likely to issue positive response to Witkoff's ceasefire proposal
Hamas will express opposition to the lack of clear guarantees for ending the war and warns that Israel shouldn't have "freedom of action to renew the war." Hamas announced Saturday morning that it plans to deliver a response later in the day to the ceasefire proposal that was issued by US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, with sources telling Saudi news sources Al-Arabiya and Al-Hadath that the terrorist organization will respond positively to the envoy's proposal, but with reservations. The initial announcement was made by a senior official of the terrorist organization to the Hamas-affiliated newspaper Al-Risalah, adding that the response will come after a series of leadership consultations within the terror group. Hamas will express opposition to the lack of clear guarantees for ending the war, according to Al-Arabiya, while also reporting that the terrorist organization will warn in its response that it will not allow Israel "freedom of action to renew the war," and will demand US guarantees for the implementation of the clauses in any agreement with Israel. The report also said that Hamas will request, as part of the proposal, that Palestinian prisoners should not be handed over in just two days, as stated in Witkoff's proposal, but rather in batches over the 60-day truce. "Our observations on Witkoff's proposal were unanimously agreed upon by all factions," the Saudi sources quoted a Hamas source as saying. Another report on Al-Arabiya claimed that Hamas presented Witkoff's proposal to various Palestinian factions, with some of them asking Hamas to agree to the proposal's outline, even though they do not believe it is perfect. The factions said that the current outline is an opportunity for Hamas to "stop the war, and make clear that any possibility for it continuing must be taken away from Netanyahu, and the global push against Israel must be exploited to halt the establishment of new settlements in the West Bank."
Days of Palestine
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Days of Palestine
Bloody Night in Gaza Left Homes in Ruins, Entire Families Wiped out from Civil Registry
DayofPal– The Israeli occupation forces have intensified their aerial assault on the city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza, last night, launching a relentless wave of airstrikes that obliterated more than 25 homes across various neighborhoods. Al-Hadath newspaper correspondent in Gaza reported that 25 homes were targeted across Khan Younis's Abasan Al-Kabira, Al-Shuhada, New Abasan, Bani Suheila, Al-Batn Al-Samin, Al-Tahlia, Ma'an, Jouret Al-Lout, and Al-Manara neighborhood. The homes belong to the families of Al-Masri, Muammar, Al-Ghalban, Abu Daqqa, Abu Lebda, Abu Salah, Baraka, Abu Ta'ima, Abu Nseira, Abu Taha. In total, Israeli warplanes carried out more than 20 raids on homes in eastern and southern Khan Younis. Among the targets was Al-Fukhari School, which had been sheltering displaced families. The school suffered severe damage under the continuing bombardment. One of the attacks struck the iconic Al-Qalaa Tower in the Qizan Abu Rashwan area, flattening it. In one of the most harrowing incidents, three entire families from the Abu Salah were wiped off the civil registry after their home was hit in the early hours in Abasan Al-Kabira. Most of the victims were women and children. Rescue teams retrieved several bodies from the rubble and transferred them to Nasser Medical Complex. Israeli military vehicles also invaded Salah Al-Din Street near the European Gaza Hospital, in the south of the Gaza Strip, intensifying the military incursion in eastern Khan Younis. Meanwhile, the municipality of Jabalia Al-Nazla in northern Gaza reported that residents remain trapped in evacuation zones due to the continuous and heavy shelling. The municipality issued an urgent call for the Red Cross to coordinate immediate humanitarian access to all areas of Jabalia. Elsewhere, Israeli occupation forces opened heavy fire north of the Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza. In a separate attack, Al-Awda Hospital in Tel Al-Zaatar reported that an airstrike struck near its perimeter in northern Gaza, raising concerns over the safety of medical facilities. Since dawn on Tuesday, medical sources confirmed at least 98 people have been killed in Israeli strikes across the Gaza Strip. Later, emergency services recovered 11 more bodies and dozens of injured following an air raid on the Nabhan family home on Al-Nazha Street in Jabalia town, northern Gaza. Shortlink for this post:
Time of India
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Saudi Report: Hamas' Military Chief's Body Found In Gaza Tunnel After Massive Israeli Attack
In a major development from war-ravaged Gaza, Saudi media outlet Al-Hadath has reported the death of top Hamas military commander Muhammad Sinwar — the younger brother of former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar. According to the report, Muhammad Sinwar's body was discovered in a tunnel in Khan Younis, along with the remains of 10 aides, following a series of intense Israeli airstrikes on an underground compound. Watch Read More
Morocco World
22-04-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
Beyond Confusion: Boulos's Remarks Reaffirm U.S Recognition of Morocco's Sovereignty
Some of the developments the Western Sahara dossier have seen in the past few weeks may go down in the history of this lingering territorial dispute as announcing the slow but certain death of the suggestion by the Algerian regime and its pro-Polisario allies or sympathizers that President Trump's support for Morocco's territorial integrity was never as deep as many might have hoped. Following recent comments by Secretary Marco Rubio and UN Envoy Staffan de Mistura, Massad Boulos's interview with the Al-Hadath channel and its immediate aftermath are the latest in this chain of developments that confirm the depth of the Trump White House's professed commitment to upholding Morocco's sovereignty over the Western Sahara region. Indeed, while President Trump's senior Africa advisor made comments that could have been used to cast doubt on Washington's commitment to its 2020 proclamation on the Sahara, his rush to set the record straight immediately after the interview suggests that his gaffe was a momentary slip and does not in any way indicate a coming change in the direction of the geopolitical winds blowing on the Sahara dossier. Immediately after the segment in which Boulos addressed the issue began circulating, I received numerous messages from concerned Moroccans asking whether his remarks indicated a potential shift in how the Trump team was handling the Sahara dossier. These concerns were not entirely unfounded — particularly given Boulos's references to points that could be interpreted as favorable to Algeria, such as his claim that 'Algeria is ready to accept any solution accepted by the Polisario,' and his emphasis on the need to 'care for the fate of 200,000 refugees in the Tindouf camps.' Boulos made a serious misstep when he claimed that President Donald Trump's December 10, 2020 proclamation, which officialized Washington's recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara, 'was not absolute, but left the door open for a solution that satisfies all parties.' Judging from some of his talking points, it would appear, that Boulos did not prepare well for this interview. In particular, it was clear from the scope and tone of some his suggestions that he had no read or reviewed the official statement the U.S. Department of State released in the aftermath of the April 8 meeting between Secretary Marco Rubio and his Moroccan counterpart Nasser Bourita. That statement was an exact replica of the one issued by the White House in December 2020, affirming Washington's unequivocal recognition of Morocco's sovereignty. Indeed, what Boulos failed to grasp or properly explain in his remarks to Al-Hadath is the fact that the United States' recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara was unambiguous. Both President Trump's historic tweet on the day he officialized America's newfound stance on the Sahara dispute and the piles of official documents that followed this first public gesture unmistakably suggest that Washington now considers the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only genuine and viable path to a lasting political settlement of the Sahara dispute. In other words, since December 2020, the United States views the Moroccan plan as the only political horizon for the Sahara. A questionable turnaround Following the controversy sparked by his statements, Boulos promptly published a post on his X account reiterating the U.S. administration's steadfast support for Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara. He went further by giving an phone interview to Morocco's Medi1 TV channel less than 24 hours after his interview with Al-Hadath. He used the opportunity not only to rectify his earlier comments and to articulate the U.S. position with greater clarity and consistency, but also to dash any hopes that the Algerian regime may harbor about exploiting his words to undermine Morocco's hard-earned diplomatic momentum. Yet, questions remain. Was that post a coincidence? How was Boulos able to publish it mere hours after his Al-Hadath interview aired? It is highly plausible that the post was made following direct instructions from the State Department — or even the White House — rather than being a spontaneous initiative on his part. Given the sensitivity of the issue, its timing, and the close attention that Morocco's highest authorities pay to every nuance of Washington's position on the Sahara, it is reasonable to conclude that Boulos was perhaps directed to clarify his statements and eliminate any ambiguity regarding the U.S. position on the Sahara. When I later dissected Boulos's interview with Al Hadath, I was surprised by some of his comments. While he did largely reaffirm the U.S. administration's official position, I was struck by his mention of the number of 'refugees' in the Tindouf camps and the need to consider their humanitarian situation — without any reference to the need for a credible census to determine their actual number. He also repeated the notion that Algeria's acceptance of any solution remains contingent on the Polisario's approval. As I argued in my previous article, Algeria's goal is twofold: to gain proximity and favor within Trump's inner circle, and to ultimately prevent any further moves that might accelerate the resolution of the Western Sahara dispute on Morocco's terms. Anyone familiar with Washington' political and diplomatic landscape knows that access to decision-makers is not difficult. All it takes is to have the financial means to hire influential lobbying firms with close ties to key players in the American political establishment, a coherent strategic vision, and the ability to actively and convincingly promote one's narrative. Motives manipulated by Algeria Hearing President Trump's senior Africa advisor make such confusing comments, which controversially depart from the State Department's recent and constant reaffirmation of the United States' unwavering support for Morocco's territorial integrity, leaves one with two possible interpretations. Either he was wittingly or unwittingly influenced by Algeria-linked individuals in Washington who likely provided him with Algeria's preferred talking points, or he was unaware of the implications and significance of his comments because he had done his homework on the subject of the interview. Why am saying this ? Simply because his statements almost perfectly echo the language used by Algeria's official narrative: a discourse designed to obscure facts and mislead international opinion by portraying Algeria as a neutral party to the conflict, while presenting the Polisario as the sole stakeholder whose consent is needed for any proposed resolution. This is a narrative that Algeria has pushed for decades to avoid international accountability and to preserve the political deadlock surrounding the territorial dispute For Boulos to go so far as to claim that the number of 'refugees' in the Tindouf camps stands at 200,000 raises serious questions and strongly suggests that his remarks reflect talking points he likely received directly from Algerian officials via the lobbying firm that represents Algeria's interests in Washington. The debate on Tindouf numbers It is well known that there is a long-standing and highly contentious debate surrounding the actual number of residents in the Tindouf camps. Morocco maintains that the number does not exceed 60,000 at most, while Algeria claims it exceeds 170,000. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) uses the latter in its official estimates, placing the number of refugees at approximately 174,000 — despite the fact that no independent or credible census has ever been conducted to verify this. Morocco firmly contests these UNHCR estimates, arguing that they are not based on any verifiable field assessments or tamper-proof data, but rather on information supplied directly by Algerian authorities, as well as based on the number of food rations distributed annually by the UN and donor countries to meet the camps' humanitarian needs. The UNHCR's ongoing failure to conduct a formal population census in the camps — due to Algeria's repeated and stubborn refusal to allow one — further undermines the credibility of its figures. Most observers and experts familiar with this issue agree that Algeria's opposition to a census or referendum is not accidental, but stems from deliberate political calculations. Algeria has long exploited the alleged number of refugees for two main purposes: first, to create the impression that the majority of Sahrawis reside in Tindouf, and that the population is sufficiently large to justify the establishment of a viable state; and second, to avoid having the world discover the true identities of the camp inhabitants, many of whom Algeria presents as native to the southern provinces of Morocco, while in reality, the majority of them are not. Since Algeria adopted its separatist project in the Sahara, several Western intelligence agencies — most notably from the United States — have cast doubt on the tribal origins of the people in the Tindouf camps. As I explain in my book on the dispute, the CIA published multiple reports in the 1970s and 1980s affirming that the majority of the 'refugees' Algeria had gathered in the Tindouf camps had no genuine connection to the Moroccan Sahara. Instead, they hailed from the Algerian region of Tindouf itself (i.e., Sahrawis of Algeria), as well as from Mauritania, Mali, and even from uncontested Moroccan Saharan areas. Consequently, Algeria has no interest in permitting any formal census of the Tindouf camps' population, as such a process could reveal truths that would undermine the narrative it has carefully constructed and promoted for decades. Algeria's embezzlement of humanitarian aid Another key reason Algeria continues to inflate the refugee numbers is to maximize the financial aid it receives from donor countries and international organizations. The higher the declared population, the more funding Algeria and the Polisario Front receive. It is widely known that both Algeria and the Polisario have, for the past four decades, been involved in the systematic and flagrant misappropriation of humanitarian aid intended for the camps. Numerous reports have documented these practices, most notably a 2015 report by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), which issued a direct and unequivocal condemnation of senior Algerian and Polisario officials for diverting aid destined for Sahrawi refugees. That same report revealed that Algeria not only inflated the refugee numbers to increase the aid it received, but also imposed a 5 percent tax on the €10 million in annual assistance provided by the European Union — an egregious violation of basic humanitarian and ethical standards in international aid governance. Thus, when President Trump's advisor for Africa claimed that the Tindouf camps house 200,000 people, he inadvertently handed the Algerian regime a gift — lending false credibility to its inflated figures submitted to the UN and giving Algeria a renewed sense of confidence that it can continue to ignore repeated UN Security Council calls for a proper census without facing serious consequences. Ill intent or lack of knowledge? That being said, Boulos's interview with Al Arabiya should not necessarily be interpreted as an expression of ill intent toward Morocco or as a signal that the U.S. administration has suddenly decided to adopt a more balanced stance favoring Algeria. What happened, quite simply, is that Boulos lacks the political experience and subject-matter expertise to navigate such a complex issue — an opening that Algeria may have skillfully exploited to promote its version of the story. Had Boulos been more informed about the dispute, he would have used that interview to stress the need for Algeria to comply with UN Security Council resolutions calling for a comprehensive census of the Tindouf camps, so the international community could determine the actual number of refugees, verify their identities, and assess their tribal and national affiliations. This would end decades of ambiguity and manipulation that Algeria continues to exploit for political gain. It was therefore imperative for Morocco to act swiftly to set the record straight and to clarify its position in no uncertain terms, especially since Boulos's remarks came at a particularly sensitive moment. Just last week, the UN Secretary-General's Personal Envoy to the Sahara, Staffan de Mistura, suggested that Morocco provide 'clarifications' on how it intends to implement the autonomy plan. Bolstered by clear support from both France and the United States, the Moroccan plan is now recognized as the sole credible framework for achieving a final resolution to the dispute. Boulos's statement that U.S. support for Morocco is 'not absolute' opened the floodgates for speculation about the administration's actual intentions: does Washington view the Autonomy Plan as the end point of negotiations, or is it seeking to push for a new phase in which Morocco will be asked to provide additional 'explanations' or make more concessions? The US and the Moroccan cause — an unwavering stance If the United States were to endorse de Mistura's proposal for Morocco to clarify its autonomy offer, it would effectively provide Algeria with a political lifeline — allowing it to continue obstructing progress and avoiding accountability. In this scenario, Algeria would likely push the Polisario to feign willingness to engage in discussions based on the Moroccan initiative — not with the goal of reaching a resolution, but merely to buy time. The Polisario would likely request to 'study' the Moroccan proposal, only to later reject certain elements of it. Entering into negotiations on this basis would enable the Polisario to prolong the conflict — an outcome that clearly serves Algeria's strategic interests. Morocco, however, has been firm and consistent in its stance: the autonomy initiative represents its final political offer, and it constitutes the only viable and realistic basis for any enduring political solution to the regional dispute over the Sahara. For this reason, Morocco could not ildly stand by while a Trump advisor makes statements that could be interpreted as deviating from the clear and principled position previously articulated by the U.S. government. It is unlikely that Boulos would have rushed to give an interview to a Moroccan media outlet without behind-the-scenes involvement from Moroccan authorities at the highest level — who likely urged U.S. State Department and White House officials to correct the record and prevent the kind of misinterpretations that could be exploited by the Algerian regime. Morocco knows that the current geopolitical environment presents a historic opportunity to settle the dispute once and for all, and it will not allow Algeria any openings to stall or weaken the momentum Morocco has built. In this light, Boulos's effort to clarify his earlier remarks was a positive development in itself, suggesting that the back-channel Morocco has likely established with the Trump team is functioning effectively and delivering concrete results. The swift response from the U.S. administration to dispel any doubts about its position indicates its commitment to a final resolution of the dispute — one based on the autonomy plan not as a starting point, but as the endgame. This position further reinforces a growing conviction within U.S. policymaking circles that Algeria — not the Polisario — is the main party to the conflict. And that, for the Algerian regime, represents a nightmare scenario: it has never before had to contend with a U.S. administration this determined to bring the dispute to a close in a manner that safeguards Morocco's full sovereignty over its southern provinces. Samir Bennis is the co-founder and publisher of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.
