Latest news with #Al-Rikabi
Al-Ahram Weekly
23-07-2025
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Regret for political failures in Iraq - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
Supporters of Iraq's protest Tishreen Movement have been unimpressed by apologies for political failures from MPs In a scene that reopened wounds that have yet to heal, Iraqi MP Alaa Al-Rikabi, one of the prominent faces of the Imtidad Movement, publicly apologised for his failure to fulfill the promises he had made to supporters of the Tishreen (October) uprising this week. His apology came four years after he was elected to Parliament to represent a movement born from the 2019 protests in Iraq, which rallied under the slogan 'We want a Homeland'. In a television appearance, Al-Rikabi said that 'I admit that I failed to fulfill the promises I made to the Tishreen public. We have achieved nothing of what we aspired to do.' However, instead of receiving appreciation, his apology was met with a torrent of anger and accusations from activists and observers. They saw his move as a belated confession that neither absolves him of responsibility nor restores the popular support the protest movement has lost due to political shifts. In October 2019, when Baghdad's Tahrir Square ignited with chants of 'We want a Homeland,' crowds of young people, mostly from impoverished backgrounds, took to the streets and risked their lives to demand reform. They were students, workers, street vendors, and the unemployed from various provinces and social classes in Iraq. Hundreds of them were killed by 'unknown assailants' or the so-called 'third party'. Many activists say that their blood was shed in vain when the uprising was turned into an electoral platform. Observers believe that the real breaking point for the Tishreen Movement was not just when Mustafa Al-Kadhimi ascended to the premiership, riding on the blood of the martyrs, appointing figures affiliated with the protests to official positions, and raising a massive banner on the façade of the Turkish Restaurant building in the square, claiming he would turn it into a museum for the Tishreen revolutionaries, a promise he never fulfilled. The true fracture happened when some Tishreen symbols, including Al-Rikabi, a key figure in the Haboubi Square protests in Nasiriyah in the southern province of Dhi Qar, chose to join the parliamentary game, stepping into a political environment still dominated by the same traditional parties and their laws. Faris Harram, one of the key intellectual voices of the Tishreen Movement, did not hesitate to express his position. In a detailed post following Al-Rikabi's apology, Harram wrote that 'you betrayed Tishreen twice: first, when you insisted on participating in the elections despite knowing the environment was corrupt; and second, when you voted for Mohammed Al-Halbousi as speaker of parliament.' 'I told you back then that you were deluded, and that the 'tent' you wanted to pitch inside parliament would not protect you. Now you've seen with your own eyes how the armed parties' bodyguards almost assaulted you under the parliament's dome.' Harram also revealed a previous meeting with Al-Rikabi in Najaf, where the later admitted that 'we were beginners in politics and didn't know that participating was a mistake.' Nevertheless, Al-Rikabi continued his role in parliament and in the Imtidad Movement, even after losing a significant portion of his supporters in Nasiriyah and other southern cities. Among activists' comments, accusations repeatedly surfaced that most Tishreen's MPs, including Al-Rikabi, had prioritised personal gain over achieving change. Harram wrote that 'the essence of your candidacy was personal benefit, luxury cars, lifetime pensions, while the protest tent inside parliament can go to hell.' Activist Amir Fayadh commented that 'people have lost trust in Tishreen because of the catastrophic failure of its parliamentary representatives.' Murtadha Al-Sayyid added that 'we hoped you'd unite your ranks and set an example of political opposition, but instead you fragmented the public and gave the ruling parties the chance to mock your failure.' Hussam Al-Kaabi said that 'this is the ugliest era in which the energy and sacrifices of youth were exploited. An apology after four years won't feed anyone.' In another critical review of the Tishreen Movement's trajectory, some activists argued that the real mistake was not just participating in the elections but remaining in the protests while knowing that some sought to discredit them. One activist spoke to the Al-Ahram Weekly on condition of anonymity, saying that they should have withdrawn and issued a statement exposing the actions of those behind the 'funded tents' who had damaged the Tishreen uprising, adding that there were genuine Tishreenis, but the funded ones had tarnished the movement's image. 'The mistakes have continued, and until now all we see is theorising. Shame on anyone who betrayed the memory of the poor youth and students who participated in Tishreen and died simply because they wanted a homeland,' he said. The debates have rekindled an old but persistent question: was participating in the elections a betrayal of Tishreen, or was it the boycott that some promoted that allowed the ruling parties to remain in power? Commentator Abdul Amir Al-Majar believes that the boycott was a grave mistake. He commented on Harram's post by saying that 'if we keep waiting for the parties to prepare the arena for us, change won't happen even in a hundred years.' He pointed out that the 2021 elections were a rare opportunity, even if their results were limited. Commentator Alaa Hussein added that 'the boycotters are the ones who betrayed Tishreen, not just Al-Rikabi. If the Tishreen forces had fully participated in the 2021 elections, we'd be talking today about more than 100 MPs capable of breaking the sectarian parties.' However, fellow commentator Yaqoub Al-Iraqi pointed to certain contradictions. 'What about your friends who put an X against Alaa Al-Rikabi's photo because of the elections, then participated themselves in the recent provincial council elections,' he asked. Amid the wave of criticism, some have been asking whether the Tishreen MPs have achieved anything since the elections. According to commentator Mohammed Mubarak, the answer is 'maybe 0.0000000006 per cent, but it's still better than zero.' He pointed to some independent MPs who have tried to break the traditional political mould, such as Amir Al-Maamouri, Mohammed Anouz, and some members of the Ishraqat Kanoun Movement, considering their actions as first steps worth building upon. According to Iraqi human rights organisations, the Tishreen uprising left over 800 people dead and more than 25,000 wounded, including thousands who were permanently disabled, lost limbs, or suffered severe injuries without treatment. Five years after the protests began, the identity of the so-called 'third party' accused of shooting protesters and attacking sit-ins in squares in Baghdad and Nasiriyah remains officially unknown. In the 2021 elections, the electoral law was changed in response to Tishreen's demands, adopting smaller districts instead of a single nationwide constituency. This opened the door for new forces like the Imtidad Movement, the Ishraqat Kanoun, and several independents. But this gain did not last, as Iraq has now returned to a situation that allows the traditional political forces to tighten their grip once again. During his recent apology, Al-Rikabi warned that 'money will dominate the elections scheduled for November.' He cautioned that the political blocs controlling Iraq's fate since 2003 will continue their grip and corruption. The result, according to Tishreen activists, will be a repeated cycle of political failure, while the blood of Iraq's youth will remain suspended in the void without justice and without a new homeland. * A version of this article appears in print in the 24 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
GMA Network
19-06-2025
- Business
- GMA Network
World Bank sees upper-middle income status for PH in 2027
The Philippines' elevation to upper-middle income economy (UMIC) status might take longer than expected as global uncertainties put pressure on the country's economic growth, according to Washington-based multilateral lender World Bank. 'The UMIC status is actually an inevitability; it will happen. The question is when? Is it possible to happen in 2026? It's possible, [but] we really think… that it will take a little bit longer. Probably, it will happen in 2027,' World Bank lead economist Gonzalo Varela said at a press conference in Makati City on Thursday. 'With the economy growing a little bit slower than we thought in the past six months, it will take a little bit longer,' Varela said. Nonetheless, World Bank senior country economist Jaffar Al-Rikabi said that 'it is far less important exactly which date it will [happen]… the country graduates in this somewhat arbitrary threshold.' 'Much more important is that the economy continues to grow and continues to create good jobs,' Al-Rikabi said. The Philippines remains a lower-middle income economy, as its gross national income (GNI) per capita at $3,950 in 2022 fell within the World Bank's bracket for lower-middle-income economies, $1,136–$4,465, which was raised from $1,086–$4,255 a year ago. GNI per capita measures the country's total income divided by its population. For fiscal year 2024, the World Bank classifies low-income economies as those with a GNI per capita of $1,135 or less in 2022; lower middle-income economies are those with a GNI per capita between $1,136 and $4,465; upper middle-income economies are those with a GNI per capita between $4,466 and $13,845; and high-income economies are those with a GNI per capita of $13,845 or more. Currently, the Philippines is joined in the lower-middle income bracket by Vietnam ($4,010 GNI per capita), Laos ($2,360), Cambodia ($1,700), and Myanmar ($1,210). It trailed behind its neighbors, which are in the upper-middle income level: Malaysia ($11,780), Thailand ($7,230), and Indonesia ($4,580). Singapore ($67,200) and Brunei ($31,410) are in the high-income bracket. The Marcos administration's chief economist, Economic Planning Secretary Arsenio Balisacan, earlier expressed confidence that the country would graduate to UMIC status by 2026, as he was optimistic that the economy would expand by 6% for the entire 2025. The economy grew by 5.4% in the first quarter of 2025. In the June 2025 edition of its Philippines Economic Update, the World Bank is projecting that the Philippine economy—as measured by gross domestic product (GDP)—will grow by 5.3% in 2025, slower than the actual economic growth rate of 5.7% seen in 2024 and also below the low end of the government's goal for the year (6% to 7%). Al-Rikabi said that the conservative growth projection was due to ''global policy uncertainty.'' 'The impact of what's happening externally has resulted in exports doing less well, services growth decelerating, and industry decelerating,' Al-Rikabi said. In its report, the multilateral lender highlighted that 'escalating regional conflicts may result in elevated commodity prices and impact global shipping and logistics prices.' The World Bank also issued policy and structural reform recommendations for the Philippines to support its medium-term growth: Tax reforms, including closing tax policy and compliance gaps to increase the tax-to-GDP ratio Reforms to improve efficiency of expenditure—including strengthening public financial management, public procurement, and public investment management Lowering deficits in line with the medium-term fiscal framework Invest in the infrastructure foundation necessary for jobs—with a focus on connectivity infrastructure and skills gaps. Streamline business regulations and improve the business environment. Mobilize private capital to complement public funds. 'The Philippines would benefit from fiscal reforms to support medium-term stabilization and structural reforms to safeguard and accelerate growth,' Al-Rikabi said. 'Boosting private growth and job creation can help the Philippines mitigate the impact of global policy uncertainty,' he said. —VBL, GMA Integrated News
Shafaq News
07-04-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Extortion Allegation: Ex-Dhi Qar councilman jailed 3 years
Shafaq News/ Iraq's Dhi Qar Criminal Court has sentenced former Provincial Council member Ammar Al-Rikabi to three years in prison on extortion charges, a security source reported Monday. The conviction was issued in absentia under Article 430 of Iraq's Penal Code No. 111 of 1969, which addresses threats and blackmail, the source told our Agency, adding, 'The court found Al-Rikabi guilty of attempting to extort Governor Murtada al-Ibrahimi.' Previously head of the Energy Committee in the Dhi Qar Council, authorities link Al-Rikabi to a broader 'extortion network' allegedly targeting senior officials in the province. On February 9, the court released two suspects involved in a related case concerning al-Ibrahimi. Although the governor dropped charges against those individuals, he continued to press extortion claims against Al-Rikabi and former governor Mohammed Hadi.
The Guardian
16-02-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
Wafia was finally about to release her debut album. Then LA caught on fire
For more than a decade, Wafia has built a reputation as one of Australia's most exciting young artists. Born Wafia Al-Rikabi, she had her first taste of global attention with a fuzzy bedroom pop cover of Mario's Let Me Love You in 2014, amassing more than 5m streams on SoundCloud. Then came a slew of EPs, tours and admirers including Pharrell Williams, Kylie Jenner and Jaden Smith. It had all been leading to her long-awaited debut album, which was set for release this January. But then the artist's adopted home town, Los Angeles, caught fire. 'I just didn't think it was a thing I could celebrate or be present for in that time,' Al-Rikabi says via Zoom. 'The thing that got me out of bed in the mornings … was volunteering. I spent a lot of time in the community, picking up and dropping off donations, just trying to do what I can.' That empathy and community spirit drives Al-Rikabi's work: announcing the album's delay on Instagram, she wrote: 'I also can't help but see the scenes across LA and think of Gaza, think of Syria and Lebanon, think of my family who have grown so accustomed to this smell, the sight of such rubble.' She has now released the album, Promised Land, a month after its scheduled date. It's a collection of alt-pop gems canvassing romantic, platonic and familial relationships, and the complexities of migration. With influences ranging from bossa nova and R&B to psychedelia and indie rock, the album is buoyed up by two moods, 'whimsy and feminine … in order to have a sense, ultimately, of optimism'. The migrant experience is one Al-Rikabi knows intimately. Born in the Netherlands to an Iraqi father and Syrian mother, the artist moved frequently with her family during a nomadic childhood. When she was 11, they relocated to Brisbane – but there was no real sense of home. Now 31 and having lived in the US since the pandemic, Al-Rikabi has a new perspective: 'I feel like I understood my parents' choices a lot more once I made the leap myself in moving to another place.' In adulthood, Australia has become a kind of anchor: 'Having the Australian accent has been an answer a lot of people will accept here in America that I find really relieving … Sometimes I don't want to tell people that I'm Iraqi-Syrian, because it's really loaded and you don't really know how other people respond to that.' The ties of family wind their way through this record, including spoken-word passages in Arabic. But like many family relationships, it's knotty. After leaving high school, Al-Rikabi went to university to study medicine, but her father encouraged her to leave in pursuit of her musical dreams. These days, they are estranged. The song House Down unpacks those tricky feelings: 'You have so much anger and my heart hurts when I try to understand you,' she sings. 'He was my biggest champion ever, and also the source of so much anguish in my life,' Al-Rikabi says. 'It's particularly hard because I'm Arab and growing up, you're really taught to take care of your elders, and there was this expectation that as my parents aged, I would look after them … That's been one of the biggest griefs of my life.' On the other hand, moving away strengthened Al-Rikabi's relationship with her mother, to whom she dedicates the tender track Vision Of Love. 'For a long time, I didn't really understand her,' she says. It wasn't until the pandemic, when she began living alone for the first time, that she had an epiphany. 'I remember coming home and realising that fruit in the bowl gets mouldy if my mother doesn't get to it for us … I'd never seen a peach get furry,' she says. 'That was her way of telling us every day she loved us.' Al-Rikabi's music has been overtly political in the past, such as the 2017 single Bodies, written about the Syrian refugee crisis. The songs on Promised Land are more about personal relationships, from new romance (Big Thoughts, Crystal Ball) and a defiant kiss-off to an ex (Sad Shit) to the migration journey (Dragonfly) and a sweet sisterly ode (Say It to the Moon). But it's all connected. 'Being queer, growing up Muslim, all those things inherently make me political – so even when I am writing a love song, it is also inherently political,' she says. 'I get to colour my canvas with whatever colours I want, because I'm an artist and no one's putting words into my mouth.' Promised Land by Wafia is out now through Heartburn Records Each month we ask our headline act to share the songs that have accompanied them through love, life, lust and death. What was the best year for music, and what five songs prove it? 2009: I Gotta Feeling – Black Eyed Peas; The Climb – Miley Cyrus; Down – Jay Sean; Fireflies – Owl City; Jai Ho! – the Pussycat Dolls. What's the song you wish you wrote, and why? Kids by MGMT, because I wish I could be that carefree in my songwriting. What is the song you have listened to the most times this year? NUEVAYoL – Bad Bunny. What is your go-to karaoke song, and why? Life is a Highway – Rascal Flatts, because I'm a big fan of Cars the movie. What is a song you loved as a teenager? Re: Stacks – Bon Iver. It transported me when I needed to not be where I was. What song do you want played at your funeral, and why? Ahwak – Abdel Halim Hafez. It's a song that my parents would always play in the mornings and I think it would be a nice thing to go out to. What is the best song to have sex to, and why? Burning – Tems. Just try it.
