Latest news with #AliAbdullahSaleh
Time of India
15-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Gift diplomacy: How Qatar bought its way into America's power circles
Qatar gives planes the way other countries give medals. Qatar's offer to provide a $400 million Boeing 747 to the US government-to be potentially used as Air Force One-has reignited scrutiny of the Gulf monarchy's decades-long strategy to buy influence across every corner of American power: Military, academia, politics, media, and business. The jet, dubbed 'a palace in the sky,' is only the most visible symbol of Qatar's outsize ambition to embed itself in Washington's elite. Why it matters The proposed jet isn't a first. In 2018, Turkey's President Erdogan received a similar gift from Qatar. So did Yemen's late dictator Ali Abdullah Saleh. Even Saddam Hussein's Iraq once got a Qatari jumbo jet, back in 2000. Qatar gives planes the way other countries give medals. However, at stake is far more than a luxury plane. The Gulf state's economic firepower-derived from the world's third-largest natural gas reserves-has funded an unparalleled soft-power blitz, transforming a desert nation of 300,000 citizens into one of Washington's most influential foreign players. The implications? A reshaped US foreign policy posture in the Middle East and a growing chorus of questions about sovereignty, security, and ethics. Qatar is now the largest foreign donor to US universities, funneling over $6.3 billion into schools like Georgetown, Cornell, and Northwestern. It has spent over $225 million on lobbying and PR in Washington since 2017-more than triple what Israel spent in 2021 and almost two-thirds of China's spending. Its sovereign wealth fund controls an estimated $524 billion-equal to over $1.5 million per citizen-and includes ownership stakes in US infrastructure, real estate, and venture capital. The big picture As per a Free Press report, Qatar's leverage isn't limited to elite politics. Its biggest long-term bet is education. The country has created Education City outside Doha-a gleaming complex of US university branches, funded entirely by the Qatari state. Qatar paid $760 million to Georgetown University alone and $1.8 billion to Cornell, with similar deals for Texas A\&M and Northwestern. Critics say the influence shows: classroom censorship, limited academic freedom, and a whitewashed portrayal of Qatar's political system. In 2023, Texas A&M announced it would shut down its Doha campus by 2028, citing rising national-security concerns. But Georgetown and others renewed their partnerships, and continue to accept Qatari money despite rising pressure from lawmakers and watchdogs. Zoom in Qatar's influence operation reaches from college campuses to Capitol Hill, from think tanks to golf resorts. As per a Wall Street Journal report, Al Udeid Air Base, built and paid for by Qatar at a cost of over $8 billion, houses 10,000 US troops and is the Pentagon's main Middle East hub. The Pentagon sees the base as indispensable. But there's a catch: the base can't be used for any strike against Iran without Qatari approval. In 2022, President Biden formally declared Qatar a 'major non-Nato ally,' opening the door to more arms sales and joint operations. In the words of one former US general, 'They've been an extraordinary partner.' The Qatari government recently helped launch a Trump-branded luxury golf resort outside Doha, with Eric Trump attending the unveiling. Jared Kushner's private equity fund received a $1.5 billion investment from a joint Qatari-UAE fund. A growing web of former US officials and insiders, including ex-CIA, Defense, and Trump campaign officials, are now on Qatar's lobbying payroll. All of it contributes to a powerful dual image: a key US ally and energy partner on one hand-and a funder of Hamas and Islamist movements on the other. What they're saying President Donald Trump has brushed aside concerns about the 747 gift. 'It's a beautiful plane for a beautiful price and what's wrong with that?' he said. 'Only a stupid person' would turn it down. A senior US official echoed that sentiment: 'There are no strings attached either contractually or implicitly.' From Doha, Qatari Embassy spokesman Ali Al Ansari insisted, 'Qatar doesn't stand to receive anything in return for the possible government-to-government transfer,' calling it 'a reflection of the strong security relationship' between the two countries. Yet critics warn that Qatar's cash-for-access model poses serious risks. 'Qatar has it both ways. They play both sides of the fence,' Bruce Hoffman, terrorism expert and professor at Georgetown University, told the Free Press. 'I can't think of a single dispute or conflict in the Middle East that the Qataris made better,' Sir John Jenkins**, a former British diplomat focused on the region, told the Free Press. Hoffman said after October 7, when Hamas murdered over 1,200 Israelis, a US defense official warned him not to criticize Qatar publicly: 'We can't do anything that endangers the air base.' Between the lines Since 2017, Qatar has spent at least $225 million on lobbying and public relations in Washington. The government's FARA filings show over 18 firms on its payroll, including prominent names from both political parties. Qatar's relationship with the Trump world has turned into a strategic pipeline for influence: Attorney general Pam Bondi, who signed off on the 747 deal, previously represented Qatar at a DC lobbying firm billing $115,000 a month. Steve Witkoff, a Trump confidant and special envoy to the Middle East, had a failed New York investment rescued by Qatar for $623 million. He is now helping broker real estate and security deals with Doha. Susie Wiles, Trump's chief of staff, previously led Mercury Public Affairs, which worked for Qatar's embassy. The ties are so deep that watchdogs warn of violations of the Emoluments Clause, which bars federal officials from accepting gifts from foreign governments, the Free Press report said. What's next With Qatar's profile only rising-and its critics growing louder-expect further scrutiny from lawmakers and media. Republicans have opened investigations into foreign gifts to universities, particularly focusing on how Qatari money may shape Israel-related curriculum amid the Gaza war. Qatar's media arm Al Jazeera is under fire for providing platforms to Hamas leaders, and a 2020 DOJ order to register it as a foreign agent remains unresolved. Lobbying disclosures show increasing contacts with top lawmakers, including Senator Lindsey Graham, who has reversed past criticism and now calls Qatar 'more the solution than the problem.' And the money keeps flowing. A 2024 fact sheet from the Trump White House boasts of a $1.2 trillion economic commitment from Qatar, including the purchase of 210 Boeing jets and billions in defense and energy deals that 'create over 1 million US jobs'.
Asharq Al-Awsat
10-04-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores
In Yemen, bearing the legacy of 'The Leader' is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People's Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh. It's also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen's Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank. He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025. In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions. 'The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,' he said. Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives. While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations. He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, 'a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard' threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests. Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals. 'Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,' Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks. He stressed Yemen's strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security. Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians. The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group's operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers. Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets. Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains. He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle. At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen's coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade. He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country's role in protecting maritime interests. Yemen's battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions. Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea. 'The State Is Not Built on Statements' Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: 'There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,' he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework. Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen's return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner. He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community. While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power. 'Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,' he said. 'It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.' A Predictable Escalation According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy. 'These are not surprises,' he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago. The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports. For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores. According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests. 'These violations were happening early on,' he said. 'But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.' Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as 'Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.' No Peace in the Dictionary In Saleh's political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent. He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen's state institutions. 'Governance is about managing people's affairs based on shared frameworks,' Saleh said. 'The Houthis do not abide by any of that.' As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule. Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion. Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group's arsenal. A State Denied Saleh's stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus. Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority. 'What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences' Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as 'natural,' given the complexity of Yemen's ongoing crisis. 'In the end,' he said, 'what unites us is greater than any differences.' Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership's ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility. 'Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen's,' he said. 'But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.' Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end. Mounting Economic Pressure On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government. Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, 'much, much more' is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver. Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council's formation. 'The issue is not the absence of disagreements,' he said, 'but our ability to manage them responsibly.' That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course. Saleh explained that the council's performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment. He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues. Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country's legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table. In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen's state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen's strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement. The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh. The council's formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded. Supporters, however, counter that the council's ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.
