Latest news with #AliHussein
Shafaq News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
KDP presses for consensus with PUK to resolve financial crises
Shafaq News – Al-Sulaymaniyah Leaders of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) on Saturday called for shared responsibility among political forces, emphasizing that resolving the Kurdistan Region's financial and service crises requires consensus with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). At a press conference during the KDP's 79th anniversary ceremony in al-Sulaymaniyah, Ali Hussein, Head of the Party's Organizations in al-Sulaymaniyah, Halabja, and Raparin, said the Kurdish people 'deserve to see obstacles removed.' Ari Harsin, another KDP official, underlined that an understanding between the PUK and KDP could ease salary delays, electricity shortages, and other pressing issues. He called on political factions to back each other in the public interest. Saturday's anniversary drew representatives from across the Kurdish political spectrum. Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani also sent a message marking the occasion, honoring party founder Mustafa Barzani and the peshmerga who 'gave their lives for Kurdistan's freedom.' The challenges between the two main Kurdish parties, which erupted into armed conflict in the 1990s, continue to influence governance and service delivery, with the salary crisis now the most pressing matter.
Ya Libnan
10-08-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
Lebanon's last chance: Disarm Hezbollah and cut ties with Iran
Funeral of the 6 Lebanese soldiers killed in blast at Hezbollah arms depot near the Israel border in South Lebanon By Ali Hussein, Lebanese politica analyst The killing of six Lebanese soldiers in Wadi Zibqin should shock the nation into action. These soldiers were not fighting an invading army—they were dismantling a Hezbollah weapons depot concealed in a residential neighborhood near the Israeli border. Their mission, part of the November ceasefire's disarmament mandate, ended in a deadly explosion that once again exposed the lethal cost of allowing an Iran-backed militia to operate above the law. According to the Lebanese Army, the soldiers died while dismantling the depot's contents. The fact that such stockpiles exist at all—let alone in civilian areas—confirms that Hezbollah's weapons are not only a threat to Israel but also to Lebanon itself. Every hidden cache is a potential bomb waiting to kill Lebanese soldiers, civilians, and children. Hezbollah is not merely a political party—it is designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, the Arab League, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Canada, the UK, Germany, and several other nations. Its track record includes hijackings, bombings, assassinations, and serving as a proxy for Iran's regional military agenda. By keeping its own armed forces outside the control of the Lebanese state, Hezbollah undermines Lebanon's sovereignty and drags it into conflicts it did not choose. Lebanon must now take decisive action: cut off diplomatic relations with Iran, formally designate Hezbollah as a terrorist organization under its own laws, and request direct international assistance—whether through the United Nations or allied nations—to disarm the group. Anything less is an abdication of the state's duty to protect its people and preserve its sovereignty. MP Pierre Bou Assi put it plainly: 'Disarming Hezbollah has become an absolute necessity, even by force. Its continued presence poses an existential threat to Lebanon.' He warned that the absence of a functioning state fuels instability and risks plunging Lebanon into civil war. If the state reclaims its authority, Hezbollah will have no choice but to surrender its arms—because disarmament is no longer optional, it is survival. For decades, Hezbollah's arms have dragged Lebanon into wars it did not choose—2006, Syria's war, and repeated border clashes. The group has hidden weapons in Beirut's port, in schools, and in family neighborhoods. Now, six soldiers have paid with their lives to dismantle just one of those arsenals. Lebanon cannot survive as both a state and a battleground for a militia's regional agenda. Either the Lebanese state finally takes full control of all weapons, or Hezbollah's weapons will control Lebanon's fate. The choice is stark, the time is now—and the cost of delay will be measured in more Lebanese lives.
Ya Libnan
09-08-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
TIME FOR THE WISE TO RISE IN LEBANON
'We Would Rather Die': Hezbollah's Defiance Is Lebanon's Death Sentence By: Ali Hussein , a Lebanese political analyst Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc leader, MP Mohammad Raad, has made a shocking declaration in response to the Lebanese cabinet's decision to assign the Lebanese Army and its security forces as the sole legitimate bearers of arms: ' We would rather die than hand over our arms.' Coming from the supposed head of Hezbollah's political wing, such words are nothing short of reckless. This is not the language of a statesman—it is the rhetoric of defiance against the very idea of a unified, sovereign Lebanon. Let us be clear: the weapons Raad is defending have brought Lebanon nothing but tragedy. In 2006, Hezbollah's miscalculations plunged the country into a devastating war with Israel, leading to the destruction of entire neighborhoods, the loss of innocent lives, and the occupation of the northern part of Ghajar. In 2023, Hezbollah repeated its recklessness by launching a war against Israel—reportedly to defend its Iran-backed ally Hamas. That war did not help Hamas in any meaningful way. Instead, it led to the occupation by Israel of five strategic hills in southern Lebanon, weakening Lebanon's defensive position and increasing the threat to its southern villages. Hezbollah's destructive choices have not been limited to confrontations with Israel. Its full military and logistical backing for Bashar al-Assad in Syria contributed to one of the worst humanitarian crises of our time, pushing millions of Syrian refugees into Lebanon. This influx has placed unbearable pressure on Lebanon's infrastructure, economy, and social fabric. The devastation reached its most horrifying form on August 4, 2020, with the Beirut blast. Thousands of tons of ammonium nitrate—illegally stored at the port for years—detonated, killing more than 220 people, injuring thousands, and destroying large swathes of the capital. Investigations have revealed that these explosives were reportedly kept for the Syrian regime to be used in barrel bombs against civilians—a shocking example of how Hezbollah's actions directly endangered Lebanese lives. And let us not forget May 2008, when Hezbollah turned its guns inward, occupying West Beirut and attacking fellow Lebanese citizens. That moment proved beyond doubt that its arms are not solely for 'resistance' against Israel—they are also a tool for internal intimidation and domination. A Lebanese Army soldier is shown saluting the flag . The Army's loyalty is only to Lebanon and its defense Wise voices in Lebanon—Shiite, Sunni, Christian, Druze alike—must rise above this dangerous bravado. The future of Lebanon cannot be held hostage to weapons that serve no national interest, inflame regional tensions, and perpetuate cycles of destruction. It is time to choose: loyalty to Lebanon, or loyalty to arms that have only deepened its wounds. The country's survival depends on ending the culture of militias and affirming the exclusive authority of the Lebanese Army to defend its people and its borders. Anything less is a slow suicide. If you want, I can also give you a more aggressive headline that makes Raad's statement the center of outrage, like:
Ya Libnan
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
Lebanon's Diaspora Demands Full Voting Rights: Denying Equal Political Rights Is a Betrayal
By Ali Hussein Millions of Lebanese citizens live abroad—not by choice, but by necessity. They were driven out by war, corruption, economic collapse, and hopelessness. Yet despite the distance, they have never turned their backs on Lebanon. In its darkest hours, they became the country's lifeline, keeping it afloat with remittances, investments, and unwavering emotional and political support. Now, those very people are being told that their voices no longer matter. That their right to full political participation is negotiable. That their role is to send money, not to cast votes. This is nothing short of a betrayal. On July 2, 2025, the Lebanese Private Sector Network (LPSN) issued a powerful statement calling for the restoration of full voting rights to Lebanon's diaspora. 'The Lebanese diaspora must be granted the right to vote for all 128 members of Parliament based on the districts in which they are registered in Lebanon—not be limited to the six continental seats currently allocated to them,' the statement declared. The LPSN also emphasized that expatriates must continue to vote from their countries of residence, as they did during the 2022 elections. To deny them this right is to further alienate a population that has given more to Lebanon than many of its own politicians ever have. 'Restricting diaspora voting rights severs a vital connection between Lebanon and its global citizens,' the statement warned. And it's true. The diaspora's relationship with Lebanon is not symbolic. It is economic, social, emotional—and political. Amid years of failed governance and financial ruin, it was not the Lebanese state that came to the people's rescue. It was the diaspora. They wired money when salaries evaporated. They paid for food when families went hungry. They covered school fees, medical treatments, and emergency bills. Even after losing billions in Lebanon's bank collapse, they did not stop helping. Without the diaspora, entire regions of Lebanon could have faced famine. That is not an exaggeration. It is a fact. And yet, the political establishment, led by Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, continues to block a draft law that restores full voting rights to these same citizens. The draft law—already endorsed by 65 members of Parliament, a clear majority—would amend articles 112, 121, and 122 of the Electoral Law, which currently restrict the diaspora to electing just 6 out of 128 MPs. That is 4.7% representation for a population that, by many estimates, far exceeds the number of Lebanese currently living in Lebanon . Denying full rights to this global majority is not only unjust—it is undemocratic and dangerously shortsighted. This is not only unjust—it is dangerous. Lebanon cannot afford to alienate its diaspora. Not morally, not politically, and certainly not economically. The survival of the nation has been deeply tied to its sons and daughters abroad. 'If it weren't for the diaspora, Lebanon might not even exist today as an independent and sovereign country,' said one diaspora member. He is right. To continue denying them equal political rights is to ignore history—and jeopardize the future. Speaker Berri must stop obstructing the will of the people. Parliament must bring the draft law to a vote. And Lebanon must finally recognize the diaspora for what it truly is: not a separate category of citizens, but an essential pillar of the republic. The choice is clear: include them fully—or risk losing them forever.
Ya Libnan
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
Mr. Aoun, the Time to Act is Now if You Want Lebanon to Survive
By: Ali Hussein The Lebanese people have long demanded a resolution to the issue of Hezbollah's arms. Today, that demand has become urgent. Many political leaders have even threatened to withdraw from government if President Joseph Aoun does not act. The country stands at a critical crossroads—one that could determine whether Lebanon survives as a sovereign nation or falls further under the influence of regional powers. U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack recently warned in an interview with The National , an Emirati newspaper, that Lebanon is at risk of becoming a pawn in a broader regional struggle unless it takes decisive steps to address Hezbollah's weapons. 'Lebanon needs to resolve this issue,' he said. 'Otherwise, it could face an existential threat.' He noted the alarming pressure surrounding Lebanon: 'Israel on one side, Iran on the other, and now Syria is emerging very quickly. If Lebanon doesn't act, it will return to the Levant.' This chilling reminder echoes the words of former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, who once said, 'Lebanon and Syria are one country with two different governments.' Israel, for its part, would have every interest in Lebanon's gas reserves, beaches, and geographic vulnerability. Lebanon risks becoming a battleground for others' ambitions unless it asserts control over its own territory—starting with the monopoly on arms. When President Aoun was elected last January, he pledged that the Lebanese Army would be the only institution permitted to carry weapons. But he has since hesitated to implement this promise, fearing it might ignite civil conflict. That fear, however, is increasingly unfounded. Hezbollah is more isolated than ever. Many of Lebanon's neighbors—and even key actors within the Shiite community—are ready to support a transition away from Hezbollah's dominance. In fact, disarming Hezbollah could prove to be a blessing, even for the group itself. Its military arsenal has repeatedly failed to match Israel's firepower and has become a strategic liability rather than an asset. If Hezbollah's political leadership distances itself from the group's weapons and militant posture, it could regain legitimacy within Lebanon's political landscape and open the door for new Shiite leaders to rise—ones committed to the Lebanese state, not to foreign agendas. President Aoun, the moment for caution has passed. The cost of inaction is far greater than the risk of bold leadership. Disarming Hezbollah is not about marginalizing a community; it's about saving a nation. Lebanon cannot survive as a state-within-a-state. It cannot prosper when armed factions answer to foreign powers. It cannot move forward if held hostage by fear. The time to act is now—before Lebanon is lost. Ali Hussein is a Lebanese political analyst, who views Hezbollah as a huge liability for Lebanon and its Shiite community
