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South China Morning Post
18-07-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Did Laos intend to send troops to Ukraine to back Russia?
Worries about potential international reprisals and censure, on top of being exposed by Kyiv, may have prevented Laos from sending troops to back Russia in the Ukraine war , analysts say. Laotian state media reported this week that the country had refuted recent claims circulating in foreign news outlets suggesting it was preparing for troop deployment to Russia 's military operations in Ukraine. The reports said Moscow had attempted to persuade Laotian soldiers and citizens to fight in Ukraine by offering money and Russian citizenship. They also added that Russia had initially wanted to involve the Laotian armed forces' engineering troops in demining operations in the Kursk region. The Kremlin was exploring ways to draw partner nations into the conflict 'under the pretext of carrying out humanitarian projects in Russian regions bordering Ukraine', the Main Directorate of Intelligence of Ukraine was cited by these reports as saying. 'Laos is the latest country Russia is attempting to pull into the war.' The suspicions of the Southeast Asian nation's potential involvement in the conflict sounded plausible given its expertise in demining and ties with Moscow. Russian Defence Minister Andrei Belousov inspects a machine gun during his visit to the command centre of the Dnepr troops taking part in the Ukraine war in an undisclosed location on July 11. Photo: Russian Defence Ministry/Reuters Vientiane said the claims were baseless and designed to cause confusion and damage the country's international standing. Adding that no evidence existed to support the claims, Laos said the allegations were a 'deliberate distortion of the truth' intended to create misunderstanding among the global community.


Economic Times
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
Sex scandal rocks Kremlin: Putin aide flew 23-year-old lover around Russia on lavish military aircraft
Sex scandal has erupted in Moscow after a 23-year-old woman, Maria Shalaeva, flaunted her alleged affair with a powerful "Kremlin man" on social media. She claimed to have been flown on a Russian military plane to a restricted airbase. Speculation points towards Defence Minister Andrei Belousov, fueled by leaked emails and physical similarities. Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Weekend Getaway or State-Sponsored Favour? Who Is the Mysterious 'Kremlin Man'? Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Speculation Swirls About Child's Paternity No Confirmation, But Just Speculations Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Andrei Belousov's Reputation Under the Spotlight FAQs There has been an alleged top-level sex scandal in Moscow after a 23-year-old woman openly posted that she was flown on a Russian military plane , usually reserved for high-ranking officials, to see a restricted military airbase in southern Russia, as per a report. The posts, which have since been removed, have led to various speculations. Maria Shalaeva , a young woman from Yekaterinburg, surprised social media users when she casually shared photos and stories of flying aboard a Defense Ministry Ilyushin-76 military jet for what she called a "weekend getaway" to Rostov-on-Don, as per The Sun report. Her trip wasn't just luxury, it was exclusive, because the airport she flew to is reportedly shut off to all but military aircraft, according to the READ: Stellar comeback: After a lost decade and near bankruptcy in the 2010s, Greece set to become debt-free by 2029 The trip wasn't diplomatic or commercial, it was for personal use, as Shalaeva suggested that her lover was a "Kremlin man," powerful enough to orchestrate a private military flight and treat her to appointments like a city manicure, as per The 23-year-old had posted asking, 'Who's saying planes don't fly to Rostov?" and then pointed out that, 'They do - just not all of them, and not for everyone. Anyway, I flew back to Rostov again. Can't seem to let it go,' as quoted by The even revealed that her lover is 'a Kremlin man, though, that's another story. Reliability level is 200%,' as quoted in the report. According to an independent media outlet, Russian president Vladimir Putin's trusted defence minister, Andrei Belousov , is suspected to be her lover, reported The speculation arose as Belousov is known to be a known womaniser from earlier email leaks, and his photograph appears in a video she posted, and in one video her lover has grey hair, and so does Belousov, who was a Kremlin apparatchik before becoming defence minister, as reported by The Sun's military sources pointed out that the Kremlin's 'sugar daddy' had been visited at work by the secret services after the mistress's revelations, as per the READ: Jeff Bezos shocks the internet with surprise hair comeback after a decade of baldness While, Shalaeva even shared that she brought her three-year-old son, Tim, on the trip, which led to speculation that the kid is her lover's offspring, reported The Sun. She had posted, 'At three years old, he's already flown in a military aircraft,' as per the said, 'Tim got to sit right in the cockpit and even grabbed some crisps from the pilot," adding, 'We were greeted warmly. Timmy was chilling, watching cartoons the whole ride,' as quoted by The Sun mistress even gave a hint, saying that her lover was 'not military!! Not FSB either! Now, I know who he is, but I'm not allowed to say,' as quoted in the to the report, Belousov is an economist and civilian technocrat but is not a career soldier and holds no formal military rank, yet his authority rivals that of Russia's top Nexta independent media claimed in its report that, 'In private posts, Shalaeva hints that it's Belousov himself, the new defence minister of the Russian Federation [who is her lover],' adding, 'The Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation flies his mistress on a military plane,' as quoted in The Sun a 23-year-old woman from Yekaterinburg who posted about being flown on a Russian military jet, sparking the current scandal, as per The Sun a high-ranking civilian official with the power to arrange such flights, matches the physical description, and reportedly appears in one of her videos.


The Sun
11-07-2025
- Politics
- The Sun
Putin official caught flying racy mistress, 23, around Russia on prized $100m military jets as sex scandal rocks Kremlin
A SEX scandal has rocked the Kremlin as a top Putin official has been revealed using $100million military planes to transport his mistress around Russia. Maria Shalaeva, 23, shared online she was being flown on a defence ministry Ilyushin-76 aircraft for a weekend getaway to Rostov-on-Don - the same location of Russian armed forces war headquarters. 10 10 10 One independent media outlet has dragged in the name of Putin's trusted defence minister Andrei Belousov, 66, as the suspected lover. He is said to be a known womaniser from earlier email leaks, and his photograph appears on a video she posted. It is also clear from one video her lover has grey hair, as does Belousov, who was a Kremlin apparatchik before becoming defence minister. Yet there are strong indications that her man - apparently seen in shorts from behind on the plane - could be younger. Whether the affair is Belousov or another senior official figure in the Russian power structure, the disclosure triggered fury over what is seen as a security breach. As the scandal unfolded today, military sources indicated that the Kremlin 'sugar daddy' had been visited at work by the secret services after the mistress's revelations. Shalaeva, from Yekaterinburg, boasted in now-deleted posts - that she was flying to Rostov-on-Don, a city she had visited before with her lover. The airport, however, is being closed to all but military planes. The 23-year-old went on to reveal her beloved booked her a manicure appointment in the city. She posted: 'Who's saying planes don't fly to Rostov? From 'moving' corpse & corruption scandal to quick 'suicide' story: 5 glaring questions in gun death of Putin minister 'They do - just not all of them, and not for everyone. Anyway, I flew back to Rostov again. Can't seem to let it go.' She said her lover is 'a Kremlin man, though, that's another story. Reliability level is 200%.' She admits to bringing her three-year-old son Tim on the trip, leading to speculation he is her lover's offspring. 'At three years old, he's already flown in a military aircraft,' she posted. 10 'Tim got to sit right in the cockpit and even grabbed some crisps from the pilot. 'We were greeted warmly. Timmy was chilling, watching cartoons the whole ride.' Shalaeva says her lover calls her "yebobo [crazy]" and sometimes asks if she's ever had a concussion. She insisted he was 'not military!! Not FSB either! Now, I know who he is, but I'm not allowed to say.' Belousov, an economist and civilian technocrat, is not a career soldier and holds no formal military rank - but his authority rivals that of Russia's top generals. In Rostov, Shalaeva, her son, and her mystery man were reportedly picked up by a 'very expensive foreign car,' rumoured to be a Maybach. Nexta independent media - a respected outlet originally from Belarus and now Warsaw-based - linked her to Belousov, but without giving any verification. 'In private posts, Shalaeva hints that it's Belousov himself, the new defence minister of the Russian Federation [who is her lover],' stated Nexta. 'The Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation flies his mistress on a military plane.' It was local media in Rostov that first flagged the scandal, without naming names. Russian outlets have so far avoided identifying the man. Retire Major General Vladimir Popov didn't mince words: 'Everyone will be found and punished.' He made it clear Belousov bears ultimate responsibility for the military flight. 'If this reaches the defence minister, I expect he'll come down hard for such poor oversight. And from there, the punishment will trickle down.' 10 10 10 Pro-Kremlin military blogger Andrey Medvedev added: 'It seems the Military Counterintelligence Department has plenty to do.' 'I can imagine how much information the SBU [Ukrainian security service] and Western intelligence agencies get just from monitoring social networks,' he wrote. 'In a photo posted by this reckless girl, you can find all sorts of interesting details to understand which planes fly to Rostov, who arranged those rides for her. And so on.' It comes as the Kremlin was accused of covering up the death of a sacked Russian minister after signs of torture were allegedly found on his body just 24 hours before his apparent suicide. Roman Starovoit, who was Vladimir Putin's transport minister for less than a year, was dismissed from his post on July 7 - just hours before he was found dead. Telegram channels with links to the Russian security forces reported Starovoit's cause of death as suicide - claiming the minister was found dead with gunshot wounds. However, an independent Russian media outlet now reports that he had been beaten before his death. News outlet SOTA claims that signs of torture were visible on his body. Starovoit's glam girlfriend could also be banned from his funeral. 10


The Print
11-07-2025
- Business
- The Print
Paradox of India's S-400 deal—key asset delayed when country needs it most
However, this optimism belies the long and complicated journey of the S-400 deal. Signed in 2018 at a value of $5.43 billion, the agreement was initially hailed as a bold assertion of India's strategic autonomy, especially during the Trump administration. In 2020, NATO ally Turkey faced sanctions under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) for pursuing the same system. India had escaped US sanctions, a testament to its rising importance in the evolving Indo-Pacific calculus. The S-400 systems, which form the outermost layer of India's integrated air defence shield, have proven particularly effective during Operation Sindoor. They successfully integrated with domestically developed platforms like the Akash surface-to-air missiles, L-70 anti-aircraft guns, and indigenous drones. Unsurprisingly, there is a growing consensus within India's strategic community that New Delhi must not only complete the current S-400 procurement but also explore future acquisitions, possibly including the more advanced S-500 systems. On the sidelines of the otherwise contentious Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Qingdao, a quiet yet significant development unfolded. India was once again assured by Russia of the timely delivery of the remaining two S-400 Triumf air defence systems. Russian defence minister Andrei Belousov himself communicated this to his Indian counterpart Rajnath Singh, offering some comfort to New Delhi's strategic planners. Indian media outlets covered the commitment with cautious relief. Yet, what was once a symbol of defiance and diplomatic balance has now become a victim of President Putin's protracted war in Ukraine. Originally scheduled for delivery between 2021 and 2023, the first three S-400 systems did arrive by late 2021. The remaining two, however, remain undelivered as Russia's war in Ukraine enters its fourth year, with no clear end in sight. The timeline has repeatedly slipped. There are at least four critical factors behind these delays, which highlight both vulnerabilities and priorities of the Russian defence sector, as well as the geopolitical complexities surrounding Moscow's partnerships. 1. Russia's battlefield losses Russia has suffered significant material losses in Ukraine. While propaganda from both sides makes verification difficult, independent monitoring groups like Oryx have documented that at least 12 S-400 systems have been partially or completely destroyed. This is significant, given the S-400's role as the backbone of Russia's long-range air defence, with more than 30 regiments reportedly in service. The S-400 is vital for safeguarding Russia's expansive territory—particularly as its military posture faces new threats from NATO's rejuvenated eastern flank. If Russia is short on operational systems, it is far more likely to divert new production toward replenishing its own arsenals than fulfilling export obligations. To understand how important the S-400 programme is for Russia, we must look back at its roots. Revitalised around 2000 under President Putin, the programme was part of a broader effort to restore Russia's defence industrial base and resuscitate its economy. A state-backed investment drive led to the expansion of three major production hubs: Obukhov Plant in St Petersburg, the Avitek Plant in Kirov, and the NMP Plant in Nizhny Novgorod. These efforts bore fruit by 2016, enabling large-scale production of the S-400 as well as newer systems like the S-300V4 and S-500. In January 2023, Putin even visited the Obukhovsky Plant, publicly claiming that Russia's surface-to-air missile production exceeded the combined output of the rest of the world. Yet, India hasn't received its remaining systems over the last two years—a telling contradiction. Also read: Tejas must not meet the fate of India's first indigenous fighter jet 2. Collapse of Russian weapon exports Data supports this broader trend. According to SIPRI, Russian arms exports declined by 64 per cent between 2020 and 2024 compared to the previous five-year period. Even starker, Kazakhstan-based outlet Arbat Media reported that Russian weapon exports shrank by 92 per cent between 2021 and the end of 2024, falling to below $1 billion annually—a staggering fourteenfold drop. While the SIPRI figures span a longer horizon, Arbat's data focuses specifically on the war years, offering a more immediate sense of Russia's commercial collapse. Therefore, the correlation is not ill-founded. Russia's declining military export prowess is even more evident considering its inability to protect key allies. Despite Syria being central to Russia's Middle East strategy, Moscow failed to defend Bashar al-Assad's regime or secure its own military bases, even though supply lines like the Syrian Express link its Tartus naval base to the Black Sea war efforts. Similarly, during the recent 12-day war between Israel and Iran, Russia offered Iran only verbal support, despite Tehran's vital role in the Ukraine war through its Shahed drones. Iran's request for air defence systems like the S-300 and S-400 was ignored, prompting rare public criticism from Iranian officials. This reflects Russia's retreat in the Caucasus and its inability to assert its military posture anymore. The loss of access to Western markets, materials, and customers—combined with battlefield attrition—has dramatically curtailed Moscow's ability to act as a reliable defence supplier. Also read: IAF needs a transformation. Bring in 5G fighters, fast-track Tejas Mk2, upgrade AMCA to 6G 3. Sanctions and supply chains Due to prolonged Western sanctions, Russia has become increasingly reliant on China for microchips and other sensitive technological components. While the Indian Ministry of Defence has periodically issued advisories urging the armed forces to remove Chinese-origin technology from military hardware—particularly in imported systems—the matter has assumed greater urgency following the developments during Operation Sindoor. It becomes pertinent to consider what this means for the production and delivery of new S-400 systems. One likely inference from the ongoing delays is that Russia may be supplying India with newly manufactured units rather than from existing stock. To navigate Western restrictions—primarily imposed by the US and European Union—Russia has been sourcing microelectronic components via regional partners such as Kazakhstan and China. While this workaround has helped keep some production lines active, it has significantly inflated the cost of crucial parts and further deepened Russia's dependency on China for sustaining its defence manufacturing capabilities. Indeed, weapons analysts examining destroyed Russian equipment in Ukraine have repeatedly found Western-made components—often from the US, Japan, and Europe—despite sanctions. Whether these parts were smuggled in after 2022 or are merely leftover stockpiles remains unclear. What's evident, however, is that Russia's production chain is neither sorted nor independent. And when faced with scarcity, Russia will always prioritise its domestic requirements over foreign contracts—even longstanding ones like India's. Reports suggest that Almaz-Antey, the Russian conglomerate that makes S-400 , has recently set up a drone manufacturing facility in China, likely using this as a channel to access chips and other sensitive technologies. While this allows Russia to keep its production lines running, it further entrenches its reliance on Chinese goodwill—a development that is uncomfortable for India. Also read: UPI to Ayurveda, PM Modi's Ghana visit will unlock new trade frontiers for India 4. China's strategic pressure A more troubling possibility is that China may be pressuring Russia—either directly or subtly—not to prioritise India's defence deliveries. This wouldn't be unprecedented. After the Galwan clash, Chinese officials made their displeasure with the Russia-India defence cooperation quite explicit. Since then, Beijing's growing technical and strategic support to Pakistan—especially during events like Operation Swift Retort—has made the regional dynamics clearer to Indian observers. Indian Air Force officials have acknowledged that China provided real-time intelligence to Pakistan during that episode, revealing that Pakistan was merely the front while China orchestrated key moves from behind. In this broader context, China may actually have incentives to keep Russian weapon exports subdued. With Russia increasingly bogged down in Ukraine and facing sanctions, China has quietly filled the void in regions traditionally influenced by Moscow. In the Caucasus, for example, Azerbaijan has begun purchasing China-Pakistan co-produced fighter jets. Even in Iran, Russia was unable to offer any military aid—leaving space for China to expand its influence. Although no official foreign policy statement would admit such motives, these strategic shifts suggest a calculated Chinese effort to limit Russia's defence outreach—especially toward India—while positioning itself as the emerging arms supplier in contested theatres. The long arc of India's acquisition of the Russian-made S-400 Triumf now embodies a paradox—an extraordinary asset delayed at a time when the country's outer defensive architecture demands urgent consolidation. While definitive explanations for the four factors discussed remain elusive, it is strategically prudent for India to invest in building its own air defence capabilities through initiatives like Project Kusha—even if the development timelines appear extended. Swasti Rao is a Consulting Editor (International and Strategic Affairs) at ThePrint. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav)


India.com
30-06-2025
- Business
- India.com
India Fears No One, Replies Trump's Betrayal With Prepping Major S-400, R-37M, Su-30MKI Jet Deal With Russia
New Delhi/Moscow: The handshake between India and Russia is turning heavier. This time, with iron, radar and a warning wrapped in precision. At the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meet in Qingdao, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh sat down with his Russian counterpart, Andrei Belousov. It was not a symbolic meeting. It was a strategic signal. A decision point. India is preparing to scale up its air dominance, and fast. From air-to-air missiles to deep radar upgrades, the Indian Air Force is moving into a new phase. The plan? To enhance its Su-30MKI fighters with Russian R-37M missiles and AESA radar, with a production line in India itself. No middlemen. No delays. This is not just another defence conversation. This is about a country that faced a diplomatic cold shoulder during Operation Sindoor, where Su-30s fired BrahMos deep into Pakistani territory. The message was loud. But the silence from Washington was louder. So now, India pivots. Not away from old friends. But toward an older one – Moscow. Talks are underway not only to bring R-37M missiles to Indian runways, but also to jointly produce them under the 'Make in India' banner. Local assembly, faster deployment and – if needed – export. Russia has offered more than just hardware. It has offered codes, cooperation and trust. India, unlike with France's Rafale jets, can integrate its own radar and missiles into the Su-30s. Because Russia says yes, where others stall. The upgrades will not just be cosmetic. The Su-30MKI, already a backbone, will get its bite. Virupaksha AESA radars – made in India for wars – will soon see light. With over 2,400 GaN modules, it will spot targets from 600 km away. But retrofitting it into the ageing Su-30s needs help. And Russia, as the original maker, holds the keys. A match of sensor and steel, radar and reach. If successful, every Su-30MKI will carry long-range R-37Ms. Each with a kill distance of over 300 km. Each a message to the skies and to those watching from afar. Experts say the entire architecture is being reworked. From sensors to satellite links. From the S-400s to airborne warning systems. A kill chain is forming – quiet, connected and deadly. This partnership is no longer transactional. It is a transformation. India is not buying gear. It is building muscle. With Russia's codes, India writes its own. In that, lies the real shift. A response, not in words. But in weapons.