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Europe's Remilitarization Could Come at the Expense of Gender Equality
Europe's Remilitarization Could Come at the Expense of Gender Equality

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time3 days ago

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Europe's Remilitarization Could Come at the Expense of Gender Equality

Europe is gearing up for a fight. Under the European Union's ReArm Europe plan, which was announced in March, Brussels has changed its fiscal rules to allow member states to boost defense spending by up to 1.5 percent of GDP. In concrete terms, the union is looking to increase investment into the defense sector by €800 billion over the next four years. European rearmament is a response to what the EU paper announcing the plan calls 'the rapid deterioration of the geopolitical context and rising tensions' in world politics. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen justified the new policies, arguing that the 'era of the peace dividend is long gone.' Calling the European security architecture something that 'can no longer be taken for granted,' she called on Europe to 'invest in defence, strengthen [its] capabilities, and take a proactive approach to security.' In this race to rearm Europe, Sweden in particular is well-placed to play a leading role. As European commissioner for defense and space, Andrius Kubilius, recently noted, 'Sweden has a very strong defense industry and is carrying out a major rearmament, so it is a good example for other member states' as the continent bolsters its military capabilities. Kubilius specifically identified Saab's 'artillery systems' and 'armored vehicles,' which he described as 'top-tier capabilities that make Sweden valuable to all of [Europe].' Furthermore,Sweden recently announced that it will dedicate roughly 3.5 percent of its GDP to defense spending by 2030, amounting to roughly $30 billion. The country's efforts to highlight its defense industry suggest an important shift in its identity on the world stage. Once a pioneer in 'feminist foreign policy' and a self-proclaimed 'humanitarian superpower,' Sweden is now positioning itself as a major contributor to restocking Europe's arsenal. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. The ReArm Europe plan and Sweden's revision of its international profile both have important implications for the future of international politics, but also troubling implications for gender politics. The recently announced reforms in Sweden's defense policies speak to general shifts in European priorities. Specifically, as military readiness is prioritized, gender equality is downgraded. As disappointing as this is, it comes as no surprise, as militarization and gender equality are often at odds. If Sweden is any indication, the remilitarization of Europe will empower political forces that are already working against gender equality and other progressive causes. This process will also reveal which of the commitments to gender equality made by European states were in earnest and which were merely implemented as window dressing. For the reasons already noted, Sweden is both well-positioned to lead European rearmament because of its robust defense contracting sector, and a useful test case for how European states will balance their commitment to liberal, progressive values as they expand their military capabilities. For decades, Sweden has cultivated a reputation on the world stage for its progressive foreign policy and robust international aid program. The country was the first in the world to adopt an explicitly 'feminist foreign policy' in 2014, from which it only recently stepped back after its current center-right coalition government won election in 2022. Yet, there have always been tensions beneath the surface of Sweden's progressive foreign policy, and the country's rearmament is better understood as a continuation of recent trends than a sharp break from past policies. Sweden's feminist foreign policy ran into problems even under the direction of former Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom, who spearheadedthe initiative during her time in office under the center-left government in power at the time. In 2015, for example, Wallstrom denounced Saudi Arabia's record on human rights, after which Sweden declined to renew a weapons sales agreement between the two decision was met with fierce pushback, not just from the Saudi government, but also from the Swedish and European business sector. The idea of earnestly conditioning arms transfers on governance standards threatened the profitability and relevance of the Swedish defense industry. After all, for all of its rhetoric about feminist foreign policy and being a humanitarian superpower, Sweden has remained one of the world's largest per capita arms exporters. Furthermore, the United Arab Emirates was the largest recipient of Swedish arms in 2024, despite being accused of a litany of human rights abuses. In 2017, while it was still purportedly guided by a feminist foreign policy, Sweden also reintroduced military conscription, in response to geopolitical tensions and instability in Europe at the time. Sweden's reputation for spearheading gender egalitarian reforms also guided its conscription policies: In contrast to many other countries' drafts, Sweden conscripts both men and women. But this gender neutrality was also a way of making military mobilization more palatable to the public. And while it was presented as a progressive and egalitarian initiative, conscription is a key component of militarization, which typically eats away at gender equality. Shifts in Sweden's budget allocations in recent years also threaten both the reputation it cultivated on the world stage as well as the wellbeing of the millions of people that benefited from Swedish international aid, which under the rubric of a feminist foreign policy had often been directed toward gender equality initiatives. In the fall of 2024, Sweden's new government announced cuts totaling nearly $300 million in overseas development assistance, or ODA, following up on its commitment 'to abandon Sweden's long-held goal of allocating 1% of its [Gross National Income] to ODA.' Prioritizing defense spending over domestic welfare and foreign aid means retreating from Sweden's previous foreign policy objectives, while also raising the risk of insecurity at home and abroad. Militarization undermines gender equality in a number of ways. It cements narratives that cast men as protectors and women as being under their care. This process further entrenches gender hierarchies and norms that put men in positions of power and women in subordinate roles. Militarization is also expensive, and the government programs that benefit women and girls are often slashed to pay for it. As a result, feminists in Sweden and elsewhere have spoken out against the remilitarization of their country and the continent at large. In 2022,for example,Swedish feminists released a statement condemning creeping militarism and arguing that 'when militarization appears to be the solution of an overwhelming majority in public debate, it is more important than ever for us as feminists to question the fundamental logics of militarization and to denounce its consequences.' Implicit in this debate is the question of which spending priorities will be displaced by militarization as Europe rearms. This matters not just for how Europe will fund its investment in security, but also for how Europe will define itself and its priorities on the world stage. If Sweden is any indication, the rearming of Europe will empower the constituencies and ideologies that have been pushing back against gender egalitarianism for years. As the Centre for Feminist Foreign policy notes, 'This tug-of-war has proved to be an oft-repeated trend. It is also a remarkably gendered one: a feminist foreign policy, pursued by a feminine-coded 'soft power,' is stifled by neoliberal and patriarchal hegemonies in the form of the global arms trade, run by a nearly exclusively male cohort of business and state power leaders.' Sweden and Europe's expansion of their military capabilities may end up making them less friendly to gender equality. If so, in their efforts to win the battle against Russian neo-imperialism, they will have lost the war against the related forces driving the broader backlash against advances for women in Europe and beyond. Hilary Matfess is an assistant professor at the University of Denver's Josef Korbel School of International Studies. She is also a Council on Foreign Relations term fellow, a research fellow at the Research on International Policy Implementation Lab and a nonresident senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies' (CSIS) Africa Program. 'In Love and at War' is her second book. The post Europe's Remilitarization Could Come at the Expense of Gender Equality appeared first on World Politics Review.

Brussels to formally approve $170 billion EU defense plan amid Russia's war against Ukraine
Brussels to formally approve $170 billion EU defense plan amid Russia's war against Ukraine

Yahoo

time27-05-2025

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  • Yahoo

Brussels to formally approve $170 billion EU defense plan amid Russia's war against Ukraine

The EU is set to formally approve a 150 billion euro ($170 billion) defense loan instrument on May 27 amid Russia's war against Ukraine, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported earlier the same day. The final agreement states "the threats posed by Russia and Belarus are of particular urgency and relevance," RFE/RL reported, citing the final document. The EU reached an agreement to launch the $170 billion common defense fund on May 21 as Europe faces an increasingly challenging security environment. Russia continues to wage its war against Ukraine, and Europe is growing uncertain of U.S. security commitments to the continent. The Security Action For Europe (SAFE) initiative will offer $170 billion in loans without counting towards EU fiscal spending limits. The final document says it is "vital" for the EU to support member states "as soon as possible so that they can place orders very rapidly." SAFE is an EU loan instrument meant to prop up the continent's defense industry by financing weapons procurement to eligible countries. The EU's member states, European Free Trade Association (EFTA) members, and Ukraine are eligible to borrow funds from the defense spending instrument. The EU "would effectively double the volume of weapons Ukraine receives" by investing in domestic weapons production through the SAFE mechanism, EU Defense Commissioner Andrius Kubilius said on May 4. "If (Russian President Vladimir) Putin isn't convinced by (U.S. President Donald) Trump to make peace, we could bring forward more convincing arguments for peace very quickly — by greatly increasing our military support to Ukraine," Kubilius said. The commissioner called for EU members to utilize the bloc's SAFE initiative to strengthen Ukraine in its fight against Russia's war. The fund is part of the European Commission's ambitious ReArm Europe program, which allows member states to spend an additional 650 billion euros ($730 billion) on defense by loosening fiscal rules. Read also: Why did Russia invade Ukraine? Debunking Putin's 'root causes' claims We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.

'Russia is not winning this war,' EU defense commissioner says
'Russia is not winning this war,' EU defense commissioner says

Yahoo

time26-05-2025

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  • Yahoo

'Russia is not winning this war,' EU defense commissioner says

Russia is not winning the war in Ukraine, European Defense Commissioner Andrius Kubilius said in an interview with LRT broadcaster published on May 26, stressing Europe must stop relying on the United States to ensure that remains the case. In the interview, Kubilius said the EU must be ready to defend Ukraine and itself with or without Washington's backing. While U.S. support has been vital, Kubilius said that the EU's long-term security depends on its own strategic and industrial strength, especially as U.S. President Donald Trump has signaled he may walk away from peace efforts unless progress is made. "450 million Europeans should not be begging 340 million Americans to protect Europe from 140 million Russians who cannot take on 38 million Ukrainians," Kubilius said. Kubilius said Europe has matched the U.S. in aid to Ukraine — around 60 billion euros ($68 billion) over the last three years, including the U.K. and Norway — yet still hesitates to take full ownership of the war's outcome. Recent findings from the Kiel Institute for the World Economy also reported that total assistance — military and civilian — allocated by Europe to Ukraine since 2022 actually exceeds that of the U.S. by 23 billion euros ($26 billion). "The annual support is about 20 billion euros ($23 billion) each. Twenty billion on the European side and 20 billion on the American side is less than 0.1% of GDP for both," Kubilius noted. "We are spending 3% or 3.5% on our own defense, and we are spending less than 0.1% on the defense of Ukraine." Europe must prepare for a world in which U.S. involvement in its defense wanes, Kubilius argued. While he emphasized the importance of avoiding a "chaotic divorce" with Washington, he said the EU must develop a clear and independent defense policy. "It is far worse to be unprepared or to go into an angry and chaotic divorce with the Americans," he said. "It is better for us to come up with a clear plan of what we want from the Americans over the next decade, avoid chaos, than to be constantly begging them to stay and be completely unprepared and then face a full-scale crisis.' Kubilius said this included developing the EU's own defense industry. "Up to now, when Europeans were buying weapons, only 20% of their purchases were coming from European industry, while over 65% were coming from the U.S.," Kubilius noted. Asked whether the EU has a plan if the U.S. withdraws support for Ukraine, Kubilius said Europe is not helpless. According to him, a 150-billion-euro ($170 billion) EU loan facility could provide new channels to strengthen Ukraine's military capabilities and defense sector — if member states are willing to act. "Yes, Ukraine needs support. Yes, that support can come from the European Union together with America. Without America, too, we need to think about how we are going to do it," he said. "There is no other way." As ceasefire talks stall and U.S. diplomatic efforts show little progress — including Trump's recent phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin, which yielded no commitment to a truce — Ukraine has renewed its calls for more European aid, particularly in air defense. Read also: Russia can attack Europe 2-4 years after war's end, faster with lifted sanctions, Ukrainian intel chief warns We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.

Loan scheme to rearm Europe could be ‘important breakthrough' in Ukraine support
Loan scheme to rearm Europe could be ‘important breakthrough' in Ukraine support

Irish Times

time23-05-2025

  • Business
  • Irish Times

Loan scheme to rearm Europe could be ‘important breakthrough' in Ukraine support

A €150 billion loans programme to rearm Europe that was finalised this week could be 'a very important breakthrough' in the EU's military support for Ukraine , the bloc's defence commissioner has said. Andrius Kubilius, a former prime minister of Lithuania who is the EU's first defence commissioner, said he expected several member states to request EU-backed loans under the Security Action for Europe (Safe) scheme, which was approved on Wednesday. The European Commission proposed the €150 billion loans alongside flexibilities in the bloc's fiscal rules as part of an €800 billion rearmament plan, which was hastily drawn up after US president Donald Trump's decision to suspend all US military aid to Ukraine. Once the loans agreement is rubber-stamped next week, EU member states have six months to draw up plans for defence projects they wish to fund. 'Member states will take those loans... and will use them for joint procurement together with Ukraine and for Ukrainian needs,' Mr Kubilius told the Guardian. READ MORE British defence companies will also have greater opportunities to be involved in defence projects funded by the scheme as a result of the EU-UK security pact signed on Monday. The UK and EU are expected to sign a technical agreement on Safe that will require a yet-to-be determined administrative fee from London. The British government, however, does not intend to seek access to the EU-backed loans, which are designated for EU member states. 'We cannot complain that 340 million Americans are not ready forever to defend 450 million Europeans against 140 million Russians,' said Mr Kubilius, playing down European differences with the Trump administration. 'We can dislike language and messages, but what we need to avoid really is what I call angry and chaotic divorce [with the US]. We need to go into a very rational agreement on a division of responsibilities.' He expressed confidence that EU member states would deepen national debts to spend the €800 billion possible defence spending identified by the commission. So far, 15 countries, including Germany and Poland, have announced they intend to use the flexibilities in the EU's fiscal rules, but some large and heavily indebted economies have held back, including France, Italy and Spain. These countries, which are among the least generous donors to Ukraine, are thought to be reluctant to increase debts for defence. Consequently, some sources in Brussels remain sceptical that the EU will meet the €800 billion headline figure. The EU commissioner, nevertheless, said Europe could fill any shortfall in US military aid for Ukraine. By the third anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion – February 24 – Europe had provided Ukraine with €62 billion in military aid, compared with €64 billion from the US, according to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy. [ 'We do not need to go down this road': Taoiseach disappointed by Trump's threat of 50% tariffs on EU from June 1st Opens in new window ] [ What does Trump's 50% EU tariff threat mean for Ireland? Opens in new window ] Europe had also sent €70 billion in humanitarian and financial aid, compared with €50 billion from the US. To replace US aid flows, Europe would need to spend 0.21 per cent of GDP, according to the Kiel Institute, compared with what its analysts described as the 'minor effort' of 0.1 per cent of GDP being spent today. An additional 0.1 per cent 'of course is not zero, but also it is not something which would destroy our financial situation', Mr Kubilius said. – Guardian.

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