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The National
8 hours ago
- Business
- The National
More countries expected to recognise 'our state' at upcoming conference, says Palestinian minister
More countries are expected to recognise a Palestinian state at an upcoming UN conference in New York, a Palestinian minister has said, amid growing international support, and mounting pressure on Israel to end its war in Gaza. Major partners of Israel have become more critical over the war, the chaotic nature of the country's humanitarian aid scheme and its expansion of settlements in the occupied West Bank. "Arab states are our backbone. We have seen this during the collective voicing of disapproval of displacement of Palestinians, by all Arab states - which paid off, because that idea has been put aside for the time being," Palestinian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Varsen Aghabekian told The National. Ms Aghabekian said the anticipated recognition of Palestine by additional countries at the UN conference, scheduled for June 17–20 and led by France and Saudi Arabia, will not be merely "symbolic". High-level participation will hold "everyone" to account and bring an opportunity to "revive a credible peace process", she said. While it remains unclear whether the US will be among the countries recognising Palestine as a state, Ms Aghabekian said she would "love" to see that happen. Currently, 149 of the 193 UN General Assembly member states recognise Palestine. Ms Aghabekian recently concluded a diplomatic tour that included several European nations. Speaking to The National from Ramallah, she said there has been a noticeable shift in global perspectives, not only on the Palestinian cause but also on Israel. "There has been some shift ... and some countries are using a new narrative we've not heard before," she said in an apparent reference to the sharper tone adopted by the UK, Canada and France. They warned Israel this month that they could impose targeted sanctions if it continues to broaden its war on Gaza and to expand settlements in the West Bank. But even after this criticism, Israel on Thursday approved 22 new settlements, reflecting what the Palestinian official said is the need for a two-pronged approach that does not rely solely on the recognition itself. "It would mean a lot if this was accompanied by measures on the ground to hold Israel accountable ... but again, it doesn't mean a lot to the people on the ground who have had their homes demolished and suffocated by the occupation," she said. This change in perspective, Ms Aghabekian added, was influenced by the scenes in Gaza during "Israel's genocidal war", which has killed more than 54,000 Palestinians and wounded 123,492 since October 2023, according to Gaza's health officials. She also criticised "Israel's growing belligerence". On Friday, Israeli media reported that Israel will prevent a delegation of Arab foreign ministers from entering Ramallah to attend a planned meeting in the Palestinian administrative capital. "I don't think this comes as a shock to anybody. Israel has been following the exclusion policy for decades and is failing to understand that it needs to integrate in the region," Ms Aghabekian said. Most of the countries reportedly scheduled to visit Ramallah had normalised ties with Israel. The fact that even these are not being allowed in is "very telling and impedes further normalisation", the minister said. She noted that by not letting these countries visit - even to discuss peace - Israel is further propagating the idea that it does not wish to comply "with anyone" and would continue its aggression against the Palestinians.
Asharq Al-Awsat
a day ago
- General
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Is The 1948 War Over? Yes and No
The State of Israel emerged in 1948, and its emergence was accompanied by a war and the expulsion of the Palestinian population. Its birth thus became the foundational act that precipitated many subsequent wars and, eventually, the 'Arab-Israeli conflict.' However, its emergence was also foundational to the rise of military regimes and radical ideologies in the Levant. In the shadow of this foundational event, many engrossed themselves in interpreting what Constantine Zureiq called 'the meaning of the Nakba.' Generations came and went, regimes collapsed, ideas emerged and wars were waged in the promise of undoing the outcome of that war and nullifying the victory. Nonetheless, this victory remained incomplete. An event, any event, needs recognition to be complete. The Arab states- be they the new state's neighbours or far away, and whether they fought it or didn't- refused to recognize the 'alleged entity.' After the Arab defeat of 1967 two decades later, the Israelis were under the impression that their victory would finally secure the recognition they had previously been denied. However, what happened was that new Arab causes- Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian- piled up over the Palestinian cause, further complicating what had already been a complex situation. Later, after 1978 and more so after 1982, Lebanon joined the club. All these 'neighbouring states' had lost land to occupation, while the surge of militias was the result of the trajectory set in motion by the 1967 defeat, and after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Islamism became dominant within these militias. One of the great ironies of the 1948 and 1967 wars is that the party that had achieved a resounding victory continued to seek recognition from its enemy, while the party that had been routed insisted on refusing to recognize its enemy. The Arabs' refusal to recognize Israel probably stemmed, in part, from the assumption that they would manage, albeit in an unknown future, to retaliate and 'take revenge' for what happened in the two wars. At this point, it would be no exaggeration to assert that many questions have been conclusively settled, both militarily and politically, and that the "Arab-Israeli conflict," which has narrowed to become a "Palestinian-Israeli conflict," is now behind us. At a time when a country like Syria, the 'beating heart of Arabism,' adopts a policy of pacification that is still being defined, when militias across the Levant fall after its armies have been defeated, and when the various revolutionary ideologies come to resemble abandoned houses, a military response to what was established in 1948 seems like a mirage or a hallucination. As for the political, social, and technological developments of the past couple of years, they offer no indication that the future will lead us in the opposite direction. It seems that one thing has been turned on its head despite the Israelis maintaining the upper hand in both cases. Whereas Israel's victories in 1948 and 1967 were met with Arab refusal to recognize the Jewish state, Israel's overwhelming dominance today has been coupled with a refusal to recognize not only the Palestinians but the other Arabs of Levant as well. This is evident not only in Gaza and throughout Palestine, but also in Israel's continued occupation of Syrian and Lebanese land, not deterred by the political changes in those two countries. The Arabs' refusal to recognize Israel has undoubtedly caused damage on every level since 1948. However, Israel's current refusal to recognize the Arabs' rights- to say nothing about Palestinians' right to a state- could create just as much harm that would not leave even Israel itself unscathed. While its victory in 1967 turned the country into a star and an inspiration to many around the world, its current posture has turned it into a polity that is reviled by a larger group of people than those who had admired it following its initial victory. Even though a military Arab response to what began in 1948 has now become unthinkable, the downward trajectory of the region, including in Israel, inspires no optimism about the imminence or plausibility of a take-off anywhere in the Levant. Only wars ending, materially but also through recognition, can open the door to a new phase that reflects on all levels. Only with conclusive conclusions of wars can there be a radical response to the radical struggle born in 1948. Today, some are pinning their hopes on the post–Benjamin Netanyahu era being a gateway to less gridlock. Others are betting on extracting Israel's recognition through Saudi and Gulf pressure on the United States, coupled with European (and Canadian) pressure on Tel Aviv- the former recently began abandoning their reluctance and reticence, as shown by the decision to reassess bilateral agreements. That is why, even as Israel's brutal war rages on, some believe that the establishment of a Palestinian state- or at least a process that leads to a state- has become more likely. What we can be certain of, however, is that immediately ending the genocidal war on Gaza and ensuring the delivery of humanitarian aid are the real test- this is our most urgent task and the benchmark. We should also note that Hamas could accelerate the positive trajectory by laying down its arms, releasing the remaining hostages, and abandoning its selfish ambition to retain control of the Gaza Strip. It is time to turn the page on the non-recognition that began in 1948, after the struggle of 48 and the struggles it spawned had ended as belligerent events.
LBCI
3 days ago
- General
- LBCI
Lebanon's FM: Hezbollah must disarm, Lebanese reject outdated power-sharing formula
Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Rajji reiterated that "the Lebanese state does not negotiate over its sovereignty," describing Hezbollah as "an armed group operating outside the law" and lacking legitimacy. In an interview with the "Alquds Alarabi" newspaper, Rajji urged the group to 'hand over your weapons and form a normal political party with your allies, based on whatever ideology you choose.' Responding to recent remarks by Hezbollah's Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem, Rajji said: 'He can say whatever he wants," but the Lebanese people no longer support the so-called "army, people, and resistance" formula. That era is "over.' Rajji claimed the criticism he's faced stems from resistance by some factions to the idea of placing all weapons under the state's sole authority. He also noted a thaw in relations with Arab and Gulf states, saying 'the ice has been broken' and expressing hope that ties are now 'in their best state.' Rajji welcomed comments by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas affirming Lebanon's sovereignty and calling for refugee camps to be placed under Lebanese security control. Regarding U.S. envoy Morgan Ortagus, Rajji said there is no fixed date for her visit to Lebanon yet, though it is likely to take place within two weeks. He denied any American frustration with Lebanon's pace of decision-making and pledged to complete diplomatic appointments within weeks, adding that there are no remaining obstacles.
Asharq Al-Awsat
5 days ago
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Trump's Gulf Tour and Regional Powder Kegs
It would be a mistake to overlook the unique opportunities presented by the region's shifting strategic landscape following the resounding success of President Donald Trump's visit to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. Until recently, this all seemed almost unimaginable, and seizing this opportunity hinges not only on the Americans; the Arab states must also rise to the occasion. Both sides must leverage their influence and resources to generate the momentum needed to deal with every powder keg. Be they active, dormant, or on the brink of eruption, the region's volcanoes could hinder efforts to consolidate the progress achieved thus far. That is not to downplay the challenges and risks that continue to undercut efforts to advance genuine peace and stability in the Middle East should not be underestimated. They include the region's weak and ineffective governments, entrenched sectarian, ethnic, and political divisions, the devastating fallout from the war in Gaza, instability in Lebanon, and the precarious situation in Syria. Three main flashpoints threaten to break the emerging American-Arab momentum. Chief among them is Gaza, which remains a particularly complex challenge. Hamas has collapsed and lost international and Arab support, even sympathy, but Israel is the real impediment. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his legal quagmires have made things far more difficult. Moreover, his hardline government is a symptom of the extreme religious right's rising influence and popularity, and that was before Operation Al-Aqsa Flood inflamed by Israel's paranoia further. Ending the war in Gaza will require extraordinary steps by the US coupled with Arab pressure on Washington and a coordinated American Arab effort to compel Netanyahu to engage in final-status negotiations, recognize the rights of the Palestinian people, and commit to initiating a process to establish a Palestinian state. A breakthrough of this nature would allow for some stability in both Gaza and the West Bank, facilitate the effort to reform the Palestinian Authority, and allow Arab and Gulf states to support reconstruction. A sensible solution for Iran's nuclear program could help ease Netanyahu's apprehensions about the perceived threat posed by Iran. Today, Tehran is weaker than ever. Its proxies, like Hezbollah and Hamas, have been degraded, its defenses have been destroyed, and an economic crisis is stifling the country. As a result, it could be open to negotiating a new nuclear deal on terms that are more favorable to the United States: permanent restrictions on uranium enrichment, its ballistic missile program, and its regional activity. Trump is well-placed to strike such a deal, as he can leverage his influence in Congress and credibly threaten the use of force. Containment has been pursued in Syria, through the Saudi initiative that the US has supported by lifting sanctions. Much more than sanctions relief will be needed to stabilize the country and achieve the broader objective of integrating Syria into the camp of moderate Arab states after it had long been a lynchpin for the so-called Axis of Resistance and Iranian influence, facilitating the operations of its drug trafficking and terrorism networks. The rise of the new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, is seen as a potential turning point. Building a 'new Syria' is now possible. However, genuine commitment to reform is needed to ensure the success of this transitional phase, as is sustained Arab-American support. US policy is not the only contingency, the Arab role will be equally essential. This influence must be translated into concrete measures regarding the presence of US forces, sanctions, and Gulf financial assistance. Washington may also play a mediating role between the new regime, the Kurds, and Türkiye. The expectations of the new leadership are clear: combat terrorism, normalize relations with Israel, address the presence of Russian troops, and definitively break with the Axis of Resistance. In Lebanon, we find the most complex challenges: entrenched sectarian divisions, Hezbollah's deep penetration of state institutions, its monopoly on Shiite political representation, and its arsenal. The new government must understand that there is no imminent risk of civil war if it is to navigate the Hezbollah question and break the Shiite community's identification with the party. Instilling this conviction is just as crucial for the US and Arab states' push as essential as calls for disarmament; indeed, it is a necessary prerequisite for disarmament. There is also a need for US-Arab coordination to push the new leadership to unequivocally position Lebanon within the axis of Arab moderation, aligning the country with the latter's regional peace initiative and embracing both the responsibilities and the rewards that come with it. Disarmament must begin with a statement that lays out a clear vision for Lebanon's regional role. Next, the government must present a concrete timeline for the disarmament of Hezbollah and the Palestinian factions to underscore the state's authority ahead of the elections, which could bring the party back to power if the government fails to assert itself. Many regional and international actors see the developments that followed Trump's tour as a setback, and the vigilant among us have not forgotten the consistent failures of US policy in the region over the past three decades. Nearly every American push for peace or stability in the Middle East has ended in disappointment: from Bill Clinton's failed peace process to George W. Bush's misadventure in Iraq, to the disillusionment with Barack Obama following the Arab Spring (particularly his stance on Iran), to the rising tensions under Trump, and finally, to the eruption of the Al-Aqsa Flood and the wars in Gaza and Lebanon during Joe Biden's presidency. This is a volatile geopolitical and geoeconomic moment that presents rare opportunities for making breakthroughs in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon. They must be seized wisely.
Bloomberg
20-05-2025
- Business
- Bloomberg
Qatar PM Defends Plane Gift to Trump, Calling It a ‘Normal' Transaction
Updated on Qatar defended its decision to gift a Boeing Co. 747 jumbo jet to the US as a routine transaction between partners, calling criticism of the deal a misguided view of the country as an Arab state trying to gain political influence.
