Latest news with #ArielSharon
Asharq Al-Awsat
3 days ago
- Business
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Israel Minister Says 'We Will Build Jewish Israeli State' in West Bank
Defense Minister Israel Katz vowed on Friday to build a "Jewish Israeli state" in the occupied West Bank, a day after the government announced the creation of 22 new settlements in the Palestinian territory. Israeli settlements in the West Bank, seen as a major obstacle to lasting peace, are regularly condemned by the United Nations as illegal under international law, and Thursday's announcement drew sharp foreign criticism. "This is a decisive response to the terrorist organizations that are trying to harm and weaken our hold on this land -- and it is also a clear message to (French President Emmanuel) Macron and his associates: they will recognize a Palestinian state on paper -- but we will build the Jewish Israeli state here on the ground," Katz was quoted as saying Friday in a statement from his office. "The paper will be thrown into the trash bin of history, and the State of Israel will flourish and prosper." Katz was speaking during a visit to the Sa-Nur settlement outpost in the northern West Bank. Sa-Nur was evacuated in 2005 as part of Israel's disengagement from Gaza, promoted by then prime minister Ariel Sharon. Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967. During a visit to Singapore on Friday, French President Macron asserted that recognition of a Palestinian state, with some conditions, was "not only a moral duty, but a political necessity". An international conference meant to resurrect the idea of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is set to take place in June at the UN headquarters in New York. A diplomat in Paris close to preparations for the conference said it should pave the way for more countries to recognize a Palestinian state. Macron said in April that France could recognize a Palestinian state in June. Following Israel's announcement of the new settlements on Thursday, Britain called the move a "deliberate obstacle" to Palestinian statehood, while UN chief Antonio Guterres's spokesman said it pushed efforts towards a two-state solution "in the wrong direction".
Arab News
3 days ago
- Business
- Arab News
Israel minister says ‘we will build Jewish Israeli state' in West Bank
JERUSALEM: Defense Minister Israel Katz vowed on Friday to build a 'Jewish Israeli state' in the occupied West Bank, a day after the government announced the creation of 22 new settlements in the Palestinian territory. Israeli settlements in the West Bank, seen as a major obstacle to lasting peace, are regularly condemned by the United Nations as illegal under international law, and Thursday's announcement drew sharp foreign criticism. 'This is a decisive response to the terrorist organizations that are trying to harm and weaken our hold on this land — and it is also a clear message to (French President Emmanuel) Macron and his associates: they will recognize a Palestinian state on paper — but we will build the Jewish Israeli state here on the ground,' Katz was quoted as saying Friday in a statement from his office. 'The paper will be thrown into the trash bin of history, and the State of Israel will flourish and prosper.' Katz was speaking during a visit to the Sa-Nur settlement outpost in the northern West Bank. Sa-Nur was evacuated in 2005 as part of Israel's disengagement from Gaza, promoted by then prime minister Ariel Sharon. Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967. During a visit to Singapore on Friday, French President Macron asserted that recognition of a Palestinian state, with some conditions, was 'not only a moral duty, but a political necessity.' An international conference meant to resurrect the idea of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is set to take place in June at the UN headquarters in New York. A diplomat in Paris close to preparations for the conference said it should pave the way for more countries to recognize a Palestinian state. Macron said in April that France could recognize a Palestinian state in June. Following Israel's announcement of the new settlements on Thursday, Britain called the move a 'deliberate obstacle' to Palestinian statehood, while UN chief Antonio Guterres's spokesman said it pushed efforts toward a two-state solution 'in the wrong direction.'
Arab News
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Israel is starving Gaza and trying to get away with it
It sounds like a mad experiment. Except it is real. Israeli leaders are wrestling with the puzzle of how to starve an entire civilian population to the brink of mass famine and get away with it. The aim is to bring more than 2 million Palestinians to the point of extinction, so that they become willing to be ethnically cleansed through accepting so-called voluntary emigration. It is starving and bombing an entire population into submission. Some Israeli politicians have contemplated this for years. Dov Weissglas, Ariel Sharon's adviser, spoke of putting Palestinians 'on a diet' as far back as 2006. In 2008, Israeli officials worked out how many calories Palestinians needed to consume to avoid malnutrition. Knesset members last week openly backed starving Palestinian children, while haranguing those who opposed this. The blockade of Gaza has lasted since 2007. Even before that, Israel had imposed restrictions on the Strip. This is one of the ever-increasing mechanisms of control. It escalated with the imposition of the full siege of Gaza on Oct. 9, 2023. Genocide apologists point out that this only lasted until Oct. 21. What they omit is that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu only agreed to end it after massive pressure from US President Joe Biden, and even then only allowed in 20 trucks a day. Northern Gaza was also under Israeli siege in the last quarter of 2024. On March 2, Israel reimposed a full siege on Gaza. And the situation today is far worse. In 2023, the healthcare system in Gaza had not been systematically destroyed. Agricultural areas had not been bombed. Knesset members last week openly backed starving Palestinian children, while haranguing those who opposed this Chris Doyle Justifying the starvation of civilians is a trifle harder, but this is being tried, although with the awareness that fatalities in their thousands and even hundreds of thousands due to mass starvation is not great PR. One step is outright denial. There is no humanitarian crisis. What famine? When this does not work, the evidence of starvation or famine is framed as nonexistent or made up by agencies that are universally antisemitic and are willing victims of Hamas propaganda. Hamas is made out to be in control of every piece of data exiting Gaza, even though the same propagandists will highlight the demonstrations against the group. Apologists then muddy the waters by debating numbers. How many truckloads have entered Gaza? Leaving aside that the answer for more than two months is zero, at no stage, even during the cessation of hostilities earlier this year, did enough aid get in on any day. But as the UN consistently points out, counting truckloads is pointless. Are the trucks full? What is in them? Can they reach those most in need? Then they argue that, as external observers largely cannot enter Gaza, how can they be sure starvation is occurring? Except Israel is the one preventing that access. Another excuse is that Hamas is stealing all the aid. Evidence for this is not furnished. In February 2024, even a senior US official proclaimed that Israel had not provided evidence to substantiate this claim. Israeli genocide apologists are trotting out diabolical excuses. They say Israel should be praised for putting Palestinians on a diet because this 'may increase average life expectancy in Gaza.' How so? Because 'one of the biggest health issues in Gaza prior to the current war was obesity.' Yes, obesity is not an issue now in Gaza. Another said that there are no starving children in Gaza, just 'a few photographs of a few children with very serious medical conditions, generally genetic ones from birth … resulting in them being unable to digest food.' Since the beginning of 2025, nearly 10,000 children with acute malnutrition have been admitted to hospital, according to the World Health Organization. In Gaza, aid is required at a scale only UNRWA — an agency Israel wants to destroy — has the capacity to deliver Chris Doyle Getting away with it requires dispensing with awkward UN and international agencies that report on the impact of Israel blocking aid and furnish the world with evidence of war crimes. This is where Israel's new Gaza aid plan comes in. Aware it must allow minimal levels of aid in, not least as US President Donald Trump has expressed concern, the Israeli military is planning for private military contractors to do the job. They will vet all potential beneficiaries. This violates every global humanitarian principle of humanity, neutrality, independence and impartiality. UN agencies have refused to engage with it, as Israeli leaders knew they would. What appear to be bogus front organizations are already being marketed to replace them. This must be rejected. Aid must not be militarized or politicized but provided on the basis of need. In Gaza, aid is required at a scale only UNRWA — an agency Israel wants to destroy — has the capacity to deliver. Nothing less than the full opening of all crossings into Gaza is acceptable, with UN agencies in charge of distributing aid to those most in need and on a scale yet to be seen over the last 19 months. The Israeli plan is just camouflage for continuing the process of genocide.
Scoop
26-04-2025
- Politics
- Scoop
The Myth Of Conquest: Why Gaza Will Never Be Subdued By Israel
To conquer a place is to fundamentally subdue its population. This must be clearly differentiated from 'occupation', a specific legal term that governs the relationship between a foreign "occupying power" and the occupied nation under international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention. When Israeli forces were ultimately compelled to redeploy from the Gaza Strip in 2005, a direct consequence of the persistent resistance of the Palestinian population there, the United Nations resolutely insisted that the Gaza Strip remained an occupied territory under international law. This position stood in stark contradiction to that of Israel, which conveniently produced its own legal texts that designated Gaza a ' hostile entity ' - thus, not an occupied territory. Let us try to understand what appears to be a confusing logic: Israel proved incapable of sustaining its military occupation of Gaza, which began in June 1967. The paramount reason for Israel's eventual redeployment was the enduring Palestinian Resistance, which rendered it impossible for Israel to normalize its military occupation and, crucially, to make it profitable – unlike the illegal settlements of East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Between 1967 and the early 1970s, when Israel began investing in building illegal settlement blocks in the Strip, the Israeli military under the command of Ariel Sharon relentlessly strove to suppress Palestinians. He employed extreme violence, mass destruction, and ethnic cleansing tactics to subdue the Strip. Yet, at no juncture did he achieve his ultimate and comprehensive objectives of complete subjugation. Subsequently, he invested in his infamous, but failed ' Five Fingers ' plan. At the time the head of the Israeli army Southern Command – which included Gaza – Sharon stubbornly believed that the only way to defeat the Gazans was by severing the contiguity of the Strip, thus hindering organized resistance. In pursuing this aim, he sought to divide Gaza into so-called security zones where the main Israeli Jewish settlements would be built, fortified by massive military build up. This would be joined by Israeli military control of key routes and the blocking of most coastal access. However, this plan never fully actualized, as creating these 'fingers' required that Palestinians on both sides of the 'security zones' would have to be pacified to some extent – a condition that reality on the ground never delivered. What did actualize was the building of isolated settlement blocks: the largest was in the southwest of the Gaza Strip, near the border with Egypt, known as the Gush Katif, followed by the northern settlements, and finally the central settlement of Netzarim. Housing a few thousand settlers, and often requiring the presence of a far greater number of soldiers assigned to protect them, these so-called settlements were essentially fortified military towns. Due to the limited geography of Gaza (181 square miles or 365 square kilometers) and the stiff resistance, the settlements had limited space for expansion, thus remaining a costly colonial endeavor. When the Israeli army emptied the last illegal settlement in Gaza in 2005, the soldiers snuck out of the Strip in the middle of the night. At their heels were thousands of Gazans who chased the soldiers until the last of them fled the dramatic scene. That singular and powerful episode alone is more than sufficient to allow one to assert with unwavering certainty that Gaza was at no point truly conquered by Israel. Though Israel withdrew its permanent military presence from the main population centers of the Strip, it continued to operate within so-called buffer zones, which were often significant incursions into Palestinian territory, far beyond the armistice line. It also imposed a hermetic siege against Gaza, which starkly explains why the majority of Gazans have never stepped a foot outside the Strip. Israel's control over airspace, territorial water, natural resources (mostly Mediterranean gas fields), and much more readily led the UN to its immediate conclusion: Gaza remains an occupied territory. Unsurprisingly, Israel vehemently opposed this reality. Tel Aviv's true desire is absolute control over Gaza, coupled with the convenient and self-serving designation of the territory as perpetually hostile. This twisted logic would grant the Israeli military an endlessly exploitable pretext to initiate devastating wars against the already besieged and impoverished Strip whenever it deemed convenient. This brutal and cynical practice is chillingly known within Israel's military lexicon as ' mowing the grass ' – a dehumanizing euphemism for the periodic and deliberate degradation of the military capabilities of the Palestinian Resistance in an attempt to ensure that Gaza can never effectively challenge its Israeli jailors or break free from its open-air prison. October 7, 2023, ended that myth, where Al-Aqsa Flood Operation challenged Israel's long-standing military doctrine. The so-called Gaza Envelope region, where the late Sharon's Southern Command is based, was entirely seized by the youth of Gaza, who organized under the harshest of economic and military circumstances, to, in a shocking turn of events, defeat Israel. While acknowledging the UN designation of Gaza as occupied territory, Palestinians understandably speak of and commemorate its 'liberation' in 2005. Their logic is clear: the Israeli military's redeployment to the border region was a direct consequence of their resistance. Israel's current attempts to defeat the Palestinians in Gaza are failing for a fundamental reason rooted in history. When Israeli forces stealthily withdrew from the Strip two decades ago under the cover of night, Palestinian resistance fighters possessed rudimentary weaponry, closer to fireworks than effective military instruments. The landscape of resistance has fundamentally shifted since then. This long-standing reality has been upended in recent months. All Israeli estimates suggest that tens of thousands of soldiers have been killed, wounded, or psychologically impaired since the start of the Gaza war. Since Israel failed to subdue the Gazans over the course of two relentless decades, it is not merely improbable, but an outright absurdity to expect that Israel will now succeed in subduing and conquering Gaza. Israel itself is acutely aware of this inherent paradox, hence its immediate and brutal choice: the perpetration of a genocide, a horrific act intended to pave the way for the ethnic cleansing of the remaining survivors. The former has been executed with devastating efficiency, a stain on the conscience of a world that largely stood by in silence. The latter, however, remains an unachievable fantasy, predicated on the delusional notion that Gazans would willingly choose to abandon their ancestral homeland. Gaza has never been conquered and never will be. Under the unyielding tenets of international law, it remains an occupied territory, regardless of any eventual withdrawal of Israeli forces to the border – a withdrawal that Netanyahu's destructive and futile war cannot indefinitely postpone. When this inevitable redeployment occurs, the relationship between Gaza and Israel will be irrevocably transformed, a powerful testament to the enduring resilience and indomitable spirit of the Palestinian people. - Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ' Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out'. His other books include 'My Father was a Freedom Fighter' and 'The Last Earth'. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is
Arab News
19-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
2000
AMMAN: The Second Palestinian Intifada, also known as the Al-Aqsa Intifada, began in late September 2000, following the collapse of the Camp David Summit and a controversial visit by Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon to the Haram Al-Sharif, the site of Al-Aqsa Mosque. Unlike the largely nonviolent First Intifada, this uprising marked a significant turn toward militarization, resulting in mistakes and challenges that have profoundly shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever since. During the First Intifada, Palestinians employed peaceful grassroots strategies that garnered global sympathy and put pressure on Israel diplomatically. In contrast, the militarized tactics of the Second Intifada — including suicide bombings and attacks on Israeli civilians — alienated many international supporters and reinforced negative stereotypes of Palestinians as the perpetrators of violence. This shift undermined the moral high ground previously held by Palestinians and allowed Israel to frame its own actions as acts of self-defense against terrorism, rather than as an occupying force suppressing a people's right to self-determination. Internal divisions within the Palestinian leadership compounded the challenges. The Palestinian Authority, under Yasser Arafat, struggled to maintain control as militant factions, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, gained influence. These groups operated independently, often clashing with the PA's objectives and undermining its authority. The lack of a unified strategy not only weakened the Palestinian cause but also emboldened Israel to exploit the divisions. The inability of the PA to present a cohesive front further eroded its legitimacy among Palestinians, many of whom felt betrayed by what they perceived as corruption and ineffectiveness within their own leadership. The popular support for armed attacks meant that even young activists from the more moderate centrist ruling party, Fatah, were motivated to carry out some assaults against Israeli soldiers. Arafat's ambiguous stance on armed resistance — neither fully endorsing nor condemning it — led to confusion and a lack of direction. This ambiguity allowed Israel to accuse the PA of complicity in the violence, and justify military operations that devastated Palestinian infrastructure and deepened the occupation. The destruction of key public institutions, including schools, hospitals and police stations, left Palestinian society in disarray, with long-term repercussions still felt today. It is estimated the violence resulted in the deaths of more than 6,000 Palestinian and more than 1,000 Israeli combatants and civilians. According to the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem, of the 6,371 Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in the 10 years from 2000 to 2010, at least 2,996, including 1,317 minors, were noncombatants. Of the 1,083 Israelis killed, 741 were civilians. From an economic perspective, the Second Intifada was a catastrophe. The Israeli military response included widespread closures and curfews, and the destruction of infrastructure, crippling the Palestinian economy. Unemployment and poverty rates soared, creating a humanitarian crisis that further fueled resentment and despair. The economic devastation not only hurt Palestinian livelihoods but weakened the ability of the PA to govern effectively, as it became increasingly reliant on foreign aid to sustain basic services. Camp David Summit brings together US President Bill Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat but ends without agreement. It was an attempt to continue negotiations on the Middle East peace process and end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon visits Al-Aqsa Mosque, triggering the Second Intifada. Israel reoccupies the Palestinian territories amid fighting between the Palestinian resistance and Israeli army. Sharon takes office as prime minister. Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz announces the Arab Peace Initiative, which calls for Israel to withdraw from occupied territories in return for Arab recognition of Israel's right to exist. It is adopted by the Arab League. Israel begins construction of a wall to create a barrier separating the West Bank. Israeli parliament approves a Gaza disengagement plan proposed by Sharon. Mahmoud Abbas secures landslide victory in Palestinian Authority presidential election after death of Arafat. He pledges to end the occupation and make peace. Abbas meets Sharon, in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, for the first time since becoming president. They declare a truce. Israeli military forces leave Gaza after 38 years of occupation. Two years later, Israel imposes a land, air and sea blockade that continues to this day. While the First Intifada successfully leveraged media coverage to highlight the plight of Palestinians under occupation, the focus of the Second Intifada on violent resistance shifted the narrative. Western media often portrayed Palestinians as aggressors, overshadowing legitimate grievances about occupation, settlement expansions and human rights abuses. This hindered efforts to gain support for international pressure on Israel to change its policies. The Second Intifada also highlighted a generational divide within Palestinian society. Younger Palestinians, disillusioned by the Oslo Accords and the lack of tangible progress, were more inclined toward armed resistance. Meanwhile, illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank proliferated during this period, a clear and highly visible sign that Israeli authorities had no intention of ever ending the occupation of Palestine. In contrast, older generations who had witnessed the success of nonviolent strategies during the First Intifada were skeptical of a more militarized approach. This generational rift weakened the cohesion of the Palestinian struggle, making it more difficult to mobilize unified action. The Second Intifada provided Israel with an opportunity to tighten its grip on the occupied territories. Under the guise of combating terrorism, Israeli authorities expanded settlements, constructed the 712-kilometer-long separation wall, and implemented policies that further fragmented Palestinian communities. The wall, in particular, has had a lasting impact, serving to effectively annex large swaths of Palestinian land and render the prospect of a contiguous Palestinian state increasingly untenable. Coupled with checkpoints, the wall, which remains the single largest obstacle in the West Bank, restricts the movement of Palestinians, entrenches territorial and social fragmentation, undermines livelihoods, and hinders access to basic emergency, health and educational services. These measures, justified as security necessities, served to entrench the occupation and made the goal of a two-state solution more elusive than ever. Such activities and restrictions have intensified since the Oct. 7 cross-border attacks by Hamas; Israeli authorities added 86 new obstacles to movement that affect the lives of 3.3 million Palestinians across the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, according to 2024 data from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. There are now 793 obstacles to movement in the West Bank, including 89 round-the-clock checkpoints and 149 that operate part time, during the day. In addition, 150 communities own farmland from which they have been isolated by the wall. Previously they could access this land through 69 agricultural gates controlled by Israeli forces, but they have been barred from working the land since October 2023, resulting in significant losses of income, particularly from olive groves and other seasonal crops. The Second Intifada also created a precedent for settler violence. Emboldened by the Israeli government's harsh crackdown on Palestinians, settlers in the West Bank carried out attacks on Palestinian farmers, homes and villages, often with impunity. The attacks continue to escalate. In 2024, UNOCHA recorded 1,420 attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians and their properties in the West Bank, the highest number since it began tracking the figures in 2006. During 2023 and 2024 alone, Israeli forces and settlers killed 1,003 Palestinians in the West Bank, according to UNOCHA. Settler violence is now a persistent feature of the conflict, further exacerbating tensions and deepening Palestinian mistrust of both the Israeli government and the international community. The Second Intifada stands as a cautionary tale of the perils of militarization, internal divisions and the failure to adapt strategies to shifting realities. While the uprising underscored the depth of Palestinian frustration and the injustices of the occupation, its methods ultimately weakened the Palestinian cause and allowed Israel to solidify its control over the occupied territories. Moving forward, Palestinians must reflect on the lessons of the Second Intifada, as well as the Oct. 7 attacks, to chart a more effective course. A renewed emphasis on nonviolent resistance, coupled with efforts to unify the Palestinian leadership and regain international support, could provide a path toward achieving their aspirations. At the same time, the international community must recognize its role in perpetuating the status quo and take meaningful steps to address the root causes of the conflict. Without accountability and a genuine commitment to justice, the mistakes and challenges of the Second Intifada are doomed to be repeated, perpetuating a cycle of violence and suffering that benefits no one. The Palestinian armed resistance is the product not only of the continuing Israeli occupation, but also the inaction of the international community and the absence of any political horizon. Without any hope for a better future, Palestinians mistakenly resorted to armed attacks, which delayed rather than accelerated the end of occupation. The price of the armed struggle, whether the Second Intifada or the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas, has been high, not only in terms of lives lost and the destruction of Palestinian livelihoods and property, but because it also relieved the international community of its obligation to work on efforts to end the Israeli occupation and allow Palestinians to exercise their inalienable political rights.
