Latest news with #Assadist
Yahoo
02-06-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Secret Docs Reveal Putin Ally's Role in Missing U.S. Reporter's Disappearance
Secret intelligence files show that missing U.S. journalist Austin Tice was imprisoned by the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria despite the regime's longstanding denials, according to a report. Tice, a freelance journalist, was abducted outside the Syrian capital of Damascus in August 2012. He has remained missing ever since—though the BBC now claims to have confirmation that Assad's government, which was overthrown in December 2024, had Tice in its detention. Washington, D.C., has previously accused the Syrian government under Assad—who fled to Russia and the protection of his ally Vladimir Putin—of being responsible for Tice's disappearance. The U.S. has also questioned the authenticity of a video that emerged shortly after Tice vanished, showing him blindfolded and being held at gunpoint, with analysts suggesting the scene may have been staged to give the appearance that a jihadist group took Tice. No group or nation has claimed responsibility for Tice's disappearance. The BBC now reports it has the first evidence that the Syrian government detained the reporter. The broadcaster claims Tice was captured in a suburb outside Damascus and then held by an Assadist paramilitary group called the National Defense Forces (NDF). One document marked 'top secret' obtained by the BBC said Tice was kept in a detention facility in Damascus in 2012. 'Austin's value was understood,' a former NDF member told the broadcaster, describing Tice as a 'card' to be played in any future diplomatic negotiations with the U.S. Tice was held in the facility until at least February 2013, another Syrian official told the BBC, during which time he was visited at least twice by a doctor. The outlet reported that blood tests showed Tice had a viral infection at the time. He was later spotted by a visitor to the facility who told the BBC Tice was being treated slightly better than Syrian prisoners, but that 'he looked sad, and the joy had gone from his face.' At some point between late 2012 and early 2013, Tice is reported to have escaped from the facility after squeezing through a window in his cell, but was quickly recaptured. He was also said to have been interrogated twice by a Syrian intelligence officer. Following the downfall of the Assad regime in December 2024, then-President Joe Biden told a press conference he believed Tice was alive and was committed to returning him to his family. Biden also admitted the government had 'no direct evidence' of his whereabouts and said: 'We still have to identify where he is.' Tice's mother, Debra, said at the time that a 'significant source' had told her Austin was alive and was being 'treated well' by his captors. After the regime fell and political prisoners were freed, Tice has still not been found. A former U.S. Marine captain, Tice served in Iraq and Afghanistan before traveling to Syria in 2012 to report on the country's civil war as a freelancer. He is thought to be one of the longest-held American hostages in history. Around 100,000 people were disappeared by the Assad regime, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights.
Arab News
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
A new Syria hinges on settlements and breakthroughs
The new chapter in Syria, which began after it turned the page on almost 54 years of Assadist rule in December, could be undermined by the painful developments earlier this month. The new leadership in Damascus, as far as I can tell, was aware that former regime remnants had been present in the region, and of the communities had profited from its transgressions without having necessarily played any part in them. On the other hand, I also believe that certain Syrian factions are skeptical that coexistence with the new leadership's ideology (with its interpretation of political Islam 'in power') is possible. Indeed, Syria has witnessed many episodes of religious and sectarian violence from various directions over the past 14 years — kidnappings, forced disappearances and even massacres. Moreover, despite the broad popular support they enjoy, the current interim authorities only came to power under exceptional circumstances and due to a military balance that could change at any moment. While this leadership currently enjoys some regional and international support, every reasonable observer understands that it does not have a mandate to do what it likes. On the contrary, it is being closely scrutinized by international actors and the immense confidence exhibited by key figures in the top brass despite the tabs the world is keeping — perhaps even more confidence than a great many Syrian citizens — is striking. On the other hand, the speed at which the 'understanding' between the new Damascus authority and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces was announced, despite indications that a clash had been all but inevitable, strongly signals that Washington is comfortable with the new leadership in Damascus. Despite broad popular support, the current interim authorities only came to power under exceptional circumstances Eyad Abu Shakra Since the SDF is an integral part of Washington's strategy in Syria, the underlying message is that Syria's territorial unity will not be threatened, as had previously been assumed, by a separatist Kurdish insurgency. Thus, it seems that all the gains made by the SDF in recent years merely improved the terms of this deal with the authorities in Damascus, encouraging the Druze in southern Syria to follow a similar path. The Druze, particularly in southern Syria, remain a force to be reckoned with. However, it may take longer for a decisive outcome to emerge. Keen observers have gotten the sense that the unprecedented Israeli offensive to 'protect' and 'support' the Druze has complicated things in the Druze-majority province of Suwayda. Israel has taken these steps despite not having been publicly asked to do so by the Druze and many doubt that any major Druze political leader would openly endorse such an initiative. The Druze understood the impetus behind Israel's pressure campaign when Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister, Israel Katz, mentioned the $1 billion that Israel had allocated for this campaign. This development certainly did not come out of nowhere. Rather, the seeds of this plan were probably planted some time ago — in Syria itself, as well as in Lebanon and the diaspora, particularly in the US, where the Israeli lobby has plenty of room for maneuver, as well as a lot of sway, including through intelligence infiltration. Indeed, while Suwayda activists from various factions have sought arrangements with Damascus to preserve national unity and reinforce the fraternity of Syria's communities, Israel's 'veto' has upped the ante and shed doubt on these settlements. In my view, even in the southern region (Suwayda, Deraa and Quneitra), Washington's priorities do not significantly diverge from Netanyahu's. This brings us to the wounded coastline. Alawites make up a majority of the population in rural Latakia and Tartus, as well as the suburbs of Syria's four coastal cities: Latakia, Tartus, Jableh and Baniyas. The operations of paramilitaries affiliated with the former regime, or some of its factions, could not have happened without Iran's support. Indeed, the statements that Iranian officials made before the militias launched their attacks, which had horrific consequences, make Iran's stance crystal clear: the new authorities in Damascus are not acceptable and that they will not last long. The operations of paramilitaries affiliated with the former regime could not have happened without Iran's support Eyad Abu Shakra However, one might wonder whether the leadership in Tehran misread the situation and misunderstood the dynamics of the relationship between the new Damascus authorities and the international community, especially Washington. It is reasonable to assume that the US-Israeli strategy is hostile to a resurgence of Iranian influence. That might explain the restraint of the US-Russian initiative at the UN Security Council and relatively mild rhetoric about the massacres on the coast last week, which led to the deaths of approximately 1,225 people. The UNSC condemned the 'massacre' of civilians, called on the Damascus authorities 'to protect all Syrians, regardless of ethnicity or religion' and condemned the violence, particularly against Alawite civilians. It then urged the authorities to prosecute those who were implicated in the violence and called for 'further measures to prevent its recurrence.' Finally, the draft constitutional declaration was recently announced in Damascus. Several of its provisions sparked controversy, particularly the way in which it concentrated power in the hands of the president, its five-year timeline for the transition, the dissolution of Syria's constitutional court, and the president's authority (albeit temporary) to appoint the members of the new constitutional court. Critics argue that it would have been better to avoid stipulations that bring the recent past to mind. Instead, they recommend a stronger focus on broadening political representation and reassuring Syria's communities, as well as avoiding 'past experiments' and not rekindling old concerns. Diversity enriches and protects Syria. Fostering unity and communal harmony is particularly crucial at this stage; the country needs all its qualified and dedicated citizens to contribute. No community should be excluded or marginalized.
Asharq Al-Awsat
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
A New Syria Hinges on Settlements and Breakthroughs
The new chapter in Syria, which began after it turned the page on 54 years of Assadist rule, could be undermined by the painful developments earlier this month. The new leadership in Damascus, as far as I can tell, was aware that former regime remnants had been present in the region, and of the communities had profited from its transgressions without having necessarily played any part in them. On the other hand, I also believe that certain Syrian factions are skeptical that coexistence with the new leadership's ideology (with its interpretation of political Islam "in power") is possible. Indeed, Syria has witnessed many episodes of religious and sectarian violence from various directions over the past 14 years - kidnappings, forced disappearances, and even massacres. Moreover, despite the broad popular support it enjoys, the current interim authorities came to power under exceptional circumstances and due to a military balance that could change at any moment. Moreover, while this leadership currently enjoys some regional and international support, every reasonable observer understands that it does not have a mandate to do what it likes. On the contrary, it is being closely scrutinized by international actors, and the immense confidence exhibited by key figures in the top brass despite the tabs the world is keeping - perhaps even more confidence than a great many Syrian citizens - is striking. On the other hand, the speed at which the "understanding" between the new Damascus authority and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) was announced, despite indications that a clash had been all but inevitable, strongly signals that Washington is comfortable with the new leadership in Damascus. Since the SDF is an integral part of Washington's strategy in Syria, the underlying message is that Syria's territorial unity will not be threatened, as had previously been assumed, by a separatist Kurdish insurgency. Thus, it seems that all the gains made by the SDF in recent years merely "improved the terms" in accord with the authorities in Damascus, encouraging the Druze in southern Syria to follow a similar path. The Druze, particularly in southern Syria, remain a force to be reckoned with. However, it may take longer for a decisive outcome to emerge. Keen observers have gotten the sense that the unprecedented Israeli "offensive" to "protect" and "support" the Druze has complicated things in the Druze-majority province of Sweida. Israel has taken these steps despite not having been publicly asked to by the Druze, and many doubt that any major Druze political leader would openly endorse such an initiative. The Druze understood the "impetus" behind Israel's pressure campaign when Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister, Israel Katz, mentioned the one billion dollars that Israel had allocated for this campaign. This development certainly did not come out of nowhere. Rather, the seeds of this plan were probably planted some time ago - in Syria itself, as well as Lebanon and the diaspora, particularly in the United States, where the Israeli lobby has plenty of room for maneuver, as well as a lot of sway, including through intelligence infiltration. Indeed, while Sweida activists from various factions have sought arrangements with Damascus to preserve national unity and reinforce the fraternity of Syria's communities, Israel's "veto" has upped the ante and shed doubt on these settlements. In my view, even in the southern region (Sweida, Daraa, and Quneitra), Washington's priorities do not significantly diverge from Netanyahu's. This brings us to the wounded coastline. Alawites make up a majority of the population in rural Latakia and Tartus, as well as the suburbs of Syria's four coastal cities: Latakia, Tartus, Jableh, and Baniyas. The operations of paramilitaries affiliated with the former regime, or some of its factions, could not have happened without Iran's support. Indeed, the statements that Iranian officials had made before the militias launched their attacks, which had horrific consequences, make Iran's stance crystal clear: the new authorities in Damascus are not acceptable and that they will not last long. However, one might wonder whether the leadership in Tehran had misread the situation and misunderstood the dynamics of the relationship between the new Damascus authorities and the international community, especially Washington. It is reasonable to assume that the US-Israeli strategy is hostile to a resurgence of Iranian influence. That might explain the restraint of the US-Russian initiative at the UN Security Council and relatively mild rhetoric about the massacres on the coast last week, which led to the death of approximately 1,225 people. The Security Council condemned the "massacres" against civilians, called on the Damascus authorities "to protect all Syrians, regardless of ethnicity or religion" and condemned the violence, particularly against Alawite civilians. It then urged the authorities to prosecute those who were implicated in violence and called for "further measures to prevent its recurrence." Finally, the "draft constitutional declaration" was recently announced in Damascus. Several of its provisions sparked controversy, particularly the way in which it concentrated power in the hands of the president, its five-year timeline for the transition, the dissolution of Syria's constitutional court, and the president's authority (albeit temporarily) to appoint the members of the new constitutional court. Critics argue that it would have been better to avoid stipulations that bring the recent past to mind. Instead, they recommend a stronger focus on broadening political representation and reassuring Syria's communities, as well as avoiding "past experiments" and not rekindling old concerns. Diversity enriches and protects Syria. Fostering unity and communal harmony is particularly crucial at this stage; the country needs all its qualified and dedicated citizens to contribute. No community should be excluded or marginalized.
