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Rising Islamophobia in India alarming: FO
Rising Islamophobia in India alarming: FO

Express Tribune

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Express Tribune

Rising Islamophobia in India alarming: FO

Pakistan on Saturday expressed deep concern over the growing number of Islamophobic incidents across India and warned that the deliberate incitement of religious hatred for political or ideological purposes violates India's international human rights obligations. Responding to media queries, Foreign Office spokesperson Shafqat Ali Khan, in a statement, said Pakistan strongly condemned the targeting of Muslims through hate speech, discriminatory policies, and acts of violence, reportedly carried out with the complicity or silence of Indian authorities. "Pakistan calls upon the Indian government to uphold the rights and safety of all its citizens, regardless of faith," the spokesperson said, warning that the deliberate incitement of religious hatred for political or ideological purposes was in violation of India's international human rights obligations. Khan added that such actions, at a time when restraint and reconciliation are most needed, further undermine prospects for communal harmony and regional stability. The statement comes amid heightened tensions between the two nuclear-armed neighbours following New Delhi's accusations — leveled without evidence — linking Islamabad to the Pahalgam attack in IIOJK. The Pakistani government has strongly rejected the allegations. Human rights organisations, including the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR), have recorded at least 21 incidents of anti-Muslim violence across India in the days following the attack. These include physical assaults on Kashmiri Muslims, hate speeches at public rallies, and reported calls for the expulsion of Muslim students from hostels. The situation has been further inflamed by the rise of incendiary music aligned with Hindutva ideology. Songs disseminated widely through platforms like YouTube and WhatsApp have been accused of inciting hatred against Muslims. One such song, Pehle Dharam Pocha ("They Asked About Religion First"), surfaced shortly after the Pahalgam incident, accusing Indian Muslims of conspiring against Hindus. It has garnered over 140,000 views in less than a week. Other tracks such as Ab Ek Nahi Huye Toh Kat Jaaoge ("If You Don't Unite Now You Will Be Slaughtered") and Jaago Hindu Jaago ("Wake Up, Hindus") have called on Hindus to identify "traitors within the country"—a phrase widely seen as a veiled reference to Muslims. In parallel with the online hate campaign, authorities in Gujarat reportedly demolished around 2,000 huts, which officials claimed were illegally occupied by undocumented migrants from Bangladesh. Activists, however, argue that the demolitions are part of a broader pattern of systemic discrimination aimed at portraying Indian Muslims as "outsiders".

Pakistan says India violating human rights obligations through Islamophobic actions
Pakistan says India violating human rights obligations through Islamophobic actions

Express Tribune

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Express Tribune

Pakistan says India violating human rights obligations through Islamophobic actions

Listen to article Pakistan on Saturday expressed deep concern over the growing number of Islamophobic incidents across India and warned that the deliberate incitement of religious hatred for political or ideological purposes violates India's international human rights obligations. In a statement responding to media queries, Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Shafqat Ali Khan said Pakistan strongly condemned the targeting of Muslims through hate speech, discriminatory policies, and acts of violence, reportedly carried out with the complicity or silence of Indian authorities. 'Pakistan calls upon the Indian government to uphold the rights and safety of all its citizens, regardless of faith,' the spokesperson said, warning that the deliberate incitement of religious hatred for political or ideological purposes was in violation of India's international human rights obligations. Khan added that such actions, at a time when restraint and reconciliation are most needed, further undermine prospects for communal harmony and regional stability. Read more: Indian Muslim's home demolished over 'Pakistan Zindabad' chant during cricket match The statement comes amid heightened tensions between the two nuclear-armed neighbours following New Delhi's accusations—leveled without evidence—linking Islamabad to the Pahalgam attack in Indian Illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK). The Pakistani government has strongly rejected the allegations. Human rights organisations, including the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR), have recorded at least 21 incidents of anti-Muslim violence across India in the days following the attack. These include physical assaults on Kashmiri Muslims, hate speeches at public rallies, and reported calls for the expulsion of Muslim students from hostels. The situation has been further inflamed by the rise of incendiary music aligned with Hindutva ideology. Songs disseminated widely through platforms like YouTube and WhatsApp have been accused of inciting hatred against Muslims. One such song, Pehle Dharam Pocha ('They Asked About Religion First'), surfaced shortly after the Pahalgam incident, accusing Indian Muslims of conspiring against Hindus. It has garnered over 140,000 views in less than a week. Other tracks such as Ab Ek Nahi Huye Toh Kat Jaaoge ('If You Don't Unite Now You Will Be Slaughtered') and Jaago Hindu Jaago ('Wake Up, Hindus') have called on Hindus to identify 'traitors within the country'—a phrase widely seen as a veiled reference to Muslims. In parallel with the online hate campaign, authorities in Gujarat reportedly demolished around 2,000 huts, which officials claimed were illegally occupied by undocumented migrants from Bangladesh. Activists, however, argue that the demolitions are part of a broader pattern of systemic discrimination aimed at portraying Indian Muslims as 'outsiders' and pushing them further to the margins of society. Also read: Pakistan condemns Modi's Gujarat speech as 'reckless provocation' The demolitions have displaced thousands, worsening the precarious living conditions of affected families and contributing to a growing sense of insecurity within the community. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government—widely seen as closely aligned with right-wing Hindu nationalist groups—has come under increasing criticism for its failure to curb hate speech and protect minority communities. Critics argue that the state's silence, and in some cases active participation, in anti-Muslim actions has emboldened extremist elements.

Kashmir, Kashmiris, and the politics of retribution
Kashmir, Kashmiris, and the politics of retribution

Hindustan Times

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Hindustan Times

Kashmir, Kashmiris, and the politics of retribution

Most of us know a lot about the terror attack at Pahalgam, Operation Sindoor and the four-day 'war'. We've made it our business to find out. But there are other facts that happened during this period we're woefully ignorant of. The Association for Protection of Civil Rights reports that between April 27 and May 8 there were 184 anti-Muslim attacks of various sorts all over India. They comprise 19 acts of vandalism, 39 assaults, 42 incidents of harassment and 84 incidents of hate speech. It's believed that 106 were 'triggered' by Pahalgam. The majority happened in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Maharashtra. Are these facts unknown to us because it's now commonplace to target Kashmiris and other Muslims? Have they become punching bags for our impatience, frustration and anger? Why aren't we infuriated to learn of them? Consider what happened in Kashmir. Houses of alleged terrorists were demolished simply on the basis of suspicion without any due process and in blatant defiance of Supreme Court judgements on bulldozer justice. Didn't this make a mockery of India's claim to be a democracy that follows the rule of law? That's not all. The Guardian, among other Western newspapers, reported that some 2,000 people were arrested, again on suspicion, and many were allegedly tortured. Two, reportedly, were killed. Doesn't it feel as if this was a case of treating Kashmiri Muslims as suspicious simply because they are Kashmiri and Muslim? Now, compare how the Kashmiris themselves responded to Pahalgam. Clerics opened mosques to provide beds for those who did not have hotel bookings, taxi drivers refused to charge fares to passengers heading for the airport, there was a complete hartal as shops, hotels, colleges, schools closed to express sympathy with the victims and all political parties, whether in power or Opposition, took out rallies in condemnation of the terrorists. In sharp contrast to the behaviour of Kashmiris in the Valley, is the way Kashmiris were treated in the rest of India. In Punjab and Uttarakhand, Kashmiri students were beaten up and had to flee for their lives. In Mussoorie, shawl wallahs who had worked there for decades, were forced to leave. Yet the governments in these states seemed unconcerned and unbothered. Again, why? These are citizens of India with the same rights as you and I. Perhaps, worst of all, those in positions of authority opted to attack rather than defend Kashmiris and Muslims. Vishnu Gupta, the president of the Hindu Sena, said: 'The attack in Kashmir was an attack on Hindus and we will respond in kind — not only against Kashmiris but against every Muslim in India'. Vijay Shah, Madhya Pradesh's minister of tribal affairs, called Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, who gave daily briefings on India's military operation along with Wing Commander Vyomika Singh, the 'sister of terrorists'. And they got away with it. They weren't admonished. They certainly weren't punished. It's worth remembering a quote from Jawaharlal Nehru's letter of October 15, 1947, to state chief ministers, written when the post-Partition killings were at their height. 'We have a Muslim minority who are so large in numbers that they cannot, even if they want to, go anywhere else. They have got to live in India'. Then he pointedly added 'whatever the provocation from Pakistan … we have got to deal with this minority in a civilized manner.' Isn't that advice as relevant today as it was 80 years ago? Karan Thapar is the author of Devil's Advocate: The Untold Story. The views expressed are personal

How the Kashmir clashes sparked a new war on India's Muslims
How the Kashmir clashes sparked a new war on India's Muslims

Middle East Eye

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Middle East Eye

How the Kashmir clashes sparked a new war on India's Muslims

A spate of anti-Muslim hate incidents have been reported across India since the deadly attack on tourists in Kashmir last month. In an approximately two-week span after gunmen killed 26 people in the Pahalgam area on 22 April, the New-Delhi-based Association for Protection of Civil Rights recorded 184 anti-Muslim hate incidents across India. Close to half of the cases allegedly involved hate speech, while others were described as intimidation, harassment, assaults, vandalism, threats, verbal abuse, and three killings. The Pahalgam attack was a 'triggering factor' in more than 100 of the incidents, the association reported. There's a more dangerous shift at play here than just reactive violence. It's the political mainstreaming of suspicion, and a recalibration of what it means to be Muslim in India. In response to the Pahalgam killings, the Indian government announced Operation Sindoor, a military campaign targeting sites in Pakistan, which it accused of facilitating the attack - a claim Pakistan has denied. While the operation was officially presented as a national security initiative, it marked a major escalation in regional tensions. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Its aftermath also had domestic repercussions, especially in terms of the perception and treatment of Indian Muslims in public and political discourse. Ultranationalist social media accounts have played a major role in fomenting hatred, branding Indian Muslims as 'infiltrators' and 'traitors'. The discourse around Operation Sindoor quickly became a litmus test of Indian Muslim patriotism, rather than questioning the government's handling of security in Jammu and Kashmir - despite the fact that the Pahalgam attack was roundly condemned by Muslims in the country. Paying the price Historically, whenever India and Pakistan engage in military or diplomatic conflict, India's Muslim population is made to pay the price: socially, politically and psychologically. What's happening now is no exception. As writer Hussain Haidry told Middle East Eye: 'For decades, Indian Muslims have been referred to as Pakistanis by a large number of people in India. Their ghettos are called 'Mini Pakistan'. They are mocked as supporters of the Pakistani cricket team whenever there is a cricket match between the two. They are abused with the remark, 'Go back to Pakistan'. 'So it should not be a shock to anyone in India if its Muslims are harmed in all possible ways by the majority if there are tensions between India and Pakistan, because the cultural framework for this aggravated discrimination and violence is already in place.' The concept of Indian Muslim citizenship is being rewritten as conditional, fragile and perpetually suspect This time, however, the backlash has a sharper edge, as seen recently in Ambala, where a mob chanting 'Jai Shri Ram' torched Muslim-owned shops. This was not a spontaneous eruption of communal anger; right-wing groups stepped into the spotlight with open, organised aggression. The tragedy extends beyond the physical violence itself. It's in the way suspicion has become mainstream; in how the concept of Indian Muslim citizenship is being rewritten as conditional, fragile and perpetually suspect. This is no sudden flareup. Rather, it's the product of years of ideological preparation through school textbooks, television debates, political speeches, WhatsApp messages and online propaganda. The Pahalgam attack was merely a catalyst for releasing long-built-up pressure. Every India-Pakistan escalation now triggers an informal loyalty test for Indian Muslims. But this test is evolving, becoming more explicit and public. 'Muslims are not just expected to support India; they must vocally denounce Pakistan,' analyst Sara Ather told MEE. 'We have seen countless videos of journalists thrusting microphones into the faces of Kashmiris and Indian Muslims, demanding commentary on the conflict. This isn't patriotism, but humiliation.' Tools of exclusion The optics of nationalism have morphed into tools of exclusion, Ather added: 'A standard is being set for what counts as an 'acceptable' Muslim. And the message is clear: if you want to be accepted as part of the Indian community, you must meet this minimum threshold, otherwise, you are seen as a Pakistani sympathiser, a terrorist, or worse.' This is coercive assimilation, not integration. And the stakes are high: refusal or hesitation means surveillance, social ostracism, harassment and violence. For Indian Muslims the end times have arrived Read More » What's most troubling is the near-silence from mainstream political voices. Opposition parties have largely avoided confronting this rising tide of hate, knowing that to do so could make them targets of public suspicion or state scrutiny. This environment allows hate to become normalised, laws to be marginalised, and mobs to act with impunity - all under the guise of patriotism. For Muslims across India, the consequences are real and palpable. Earlier this month, a Muslim man reportedly died by suicide after being assaulted and accused of being 'Pakistani' by a local journalist, who later fled the scene. His death is emblematic of a climate where suspicion alone can become a death sentence. While the guns along the India-Pakistan border might have fallen silent for now, the war over Indian Muslim identity is escalating, fought with insinuations, silence and shrinking rights. It's fought every time a Muslim must shout 'Bharat Mata ki Jai' to be accepted, or condemn Pakistan publicly before mourning the deaths of fellow Indian citizens. The question is no longer whether Indian Muslims are loyal enough. The question is whether India is willing to accept its Muslim citizens as they are, without demanding performances of patriotism and endless loyalty tests, and without suspicion as a default setting. A democracy that demands loyalty tests based on religion is not truly a democracy. It is an exclusionary, majoritarian regime in denial. And until this changes, Indian Muslims will continue to pay the price for wars they did not start - with their lives, security and dignity. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Why Indian Muslims must endure endless loyalty tests
Why Indian Muslims must endure endless loyalty tests

Middle East Eye

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Middle East Eye

Why Indian Muslims must endure endless loyalty tests

A spate of anti-Muslim hate incidents have been reported across India since the deadly attack on tourists in Kashmir last month. In an approximately two-week span after gunmen killed 26 people in the Pahalgam area on 22 April, the New-Delhi-based Association for Protection of Civil Rights recorded 184 anti-Muslim hate incidents across India. Close to half of the cases allegedly involved hate speech, while others were described as intimidation, harassment, assaults, vandalism, threats, verbal abuse, and three killings. The Pahalgam attack was a 'triggering factor' in more than 100 of the incidents, the association reported. There's a more dangerous shift at play here than just reactive violence. It's the political mainstreaming of suspicion, and a recalibration of what it means to be Muslim in India. In response to the Pahalgam killings, the Indian government announced Operation Sindoor, a military campaign targeting sites in Pakistan, which it accused of facilitating the attack - a claim Pakistan has denied. While the operation was officially presented as a national security initiative, it marked a major escalation in regional tensions. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Its aftermath also had domestic repercussions, especially in terms of the perception and treatment of Indian Muslims in public and political discourse. Ultranationalist social media accounts have played a major role in fomenting hatred, branding Indian Muslims as 'infiltrators' and 'traitors'. The discourse around Operation Sindoor quickly became a litmus test of Indian Muslim patriotism, rather than questioning the government's handling of security in Jammu and Kashmir - despite the fact that the Pahalgam attack was roundly condemned by Muslims in the country. Paying the price Historically, whenever India and Pakistan engage in military or diplomatic conflict, India's Muslim population is made to pay the price: socially, politically and psychologically. What's happening now is no exception. As writer Hussain Haidry told Middle East Eye: 'For decades, Indian Muslims have been referred to as Pakistanis by a large number of people in India. Their ghettos are called 'Mini Pakistan'. They are mocked as supporters of the Pakistani cricket team whenever there is a cricket match between the two. They are abused with the remark, 'Go back to Pakistan'. 'So it should not be a shock to anyone in India if its Muslims are harmed in all possible ways by the majority if there are tensions between India and Pakistan, because the cultural framework for this aggravated discrimination and violence is already in place.' The concept of Indian Muslim citizenship is being rewritten as conditional, fragile and perpetually suspect This time, however, the backlash has a sharper edge, as seen recently in Ambala, where a mob chanting 'Jai Shri Ram' torched Muslim-owned shops. This was not a spontaneous eruption of communal anger; right-wing groups stepped into the spotlight with open, organised aggression. The tragedy extends beyond the physical violence itself. It's in the way suspicion has become mainstream; in how the concept of Indian Muslim citizenship is being rewritten as conditional, fragile and perpetually suspect. This is no sudden flareup. Rather, it's the product of years of ideological preparation through school textbooks, television debates, political speeches, WhatsApp messages and online propaganda. The Pahalgam attack was merely a catalyst for releasing long-built-up pressure. Every India-Pakistan escalation now triggers an informal loyalty test for Indian Muslims. But this test is evolving, becoming more explicit and public. 'Muslims are not just expected to support India; they must vocally denounce Pakistan,' analyst Sara Ather told MEE. 'We have seen countless videos of journalists thrusting microphones into the faces of Kashmiris and Indian Muslims, demanding commentary on the conflict. This isn't patriotism, but humiliation.' Tools of exclusion The optics of nationalism have morphed into tools of exclusion, Ather added: 'A standard is being set for what counts as an 'acceptable' Muslim. And the message is clear: if you want to be accepted as part of the Indian community, you must meet this minimum threshold, otherwise, you are seen as a Pakistani sympathiser, a terrorist, or worse.' This is coercive assimilation, not integration. And the stakes are high: refusal or hesitation means surveillance, social ostracism, harassment and violence. For Indian Muslims the end times have arrived Read More » What's most troubling is the near-silence from mainstream political voices. Opposition parties have largely avoided confronting this rising tide of hate, knowing that to do so could make them targets of public suspicion or state scrutiny. This environment allows hate to become normalised, laws to be marginalised, and mobs to act with impunity - all under the guise of patriotism. For Muslims across India, the consequences are real and palpable. Earlier this month, a Muslim man reportedly died by suicide after being assaulted and accused of being 'Pakistani' by a local journalist, who later fled the scene. His death is emblematic of a climate where suspicion alone can become a death sentence. While the guns along the India-Pakistan border might have fallen silent for now, the war over Indian Muslim identity is escalating, fought with insinuations, silence and shrinking rights. It's fought every time a Muslim must shout 'Bharat Mata ki Jai' to be accepted, or condemn Pakistan publicly before mourning the deaths of fellow Indian citizens. The question is no longer whether Indian Muslims are loyal enough. The question is whether India is willing to accept its Muslim citizens as they are, without demanding performances of patriotism and endless loyalty tests, and without suspicion as a default setting. A democracy that demands loyalty tests based on religion is not truly a democracy. It is an exclusionary, majoritarian regime in denial. And until this changes, Indian Muslims will continue to pay the price for wars they did not start - with their lives, security and dignity. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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